Natural Calamity in Uttrakhand

As a kid I was entertained at the hunch of the Soothsayer when he anticipated the Death of Julius Caesar, who out of sheer vanity disposed of his recommendation, yet in addition rebuked him for the equivalent. A comparable relationship can be attracted to the crime that presently encompasses Uttarakhand, the sole special case being, the vanity and absence of the Government has gravely pummeled the State Exchequer and cost the lives of its own natives, as against the demise of one ruler. Habitual pettiness, which is an important side-effect of each mishappening in our nation, has just started, where both the Central Government just as the State Government are censuring one another and their forerunners in seat for defective approach making, insufficient usage, nonattendance of salvage and help methodology, steaming sacred discussions on whether the current framework ought to be administered under Entry 56 of the Union List or under Entry 17 of the Sate List, and the exemplary official statement express â€Å"mis-governance†. What lies then again of this scale is countless unreported passings, annihilation of open property, and more than sixty thousand abandoned individuals, who are yet to be managed anything as remotely near the term â€Å"relief†. Beginning of the Problem and Observations made by the CAG Report India gloats of being positioned 6th regarding biggest hydel power age limit nations. Locally, hydel power represents 1/fourth of India’s reliance on vitality. The Hydel Power Report of Uttarakhand distributed in the year 2008, completely recognitions that the State can possibly tackle just about 20,000 MW of power through hydel power. Blinded with such aspiring objective, the State Government neglected to see, either intentionally or something else, the absolute first goal on the same wavelength, which has been replicated as: â€Å"To outfit the earth inviting Renewable Energy assets and improve their commitment to the financial advancement of the State. Another significant target which the State while executing the said venture, was careless in regards to, is â€Å"To improve the utilization of vitality sources that help with alleviating ecological contamination. † The current strategies, as the CAG Report completely calls attention to, are planned for irritating and not alleviating ecological contamination, and have been a reason for the floods in and around the area. Periphrastically, the ngoing ruin that was seen in Uttarakhand was destined in the report distributed by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India as late as in 2009, rebuking the Central Government and the Government of Uttarakhand for its double job of flawed hydro power strategy making just as insufficient arrangement usage. A portion of the principle concerns featured in the CAG Report are: 1. Because of the over goal-oriented arrangement of the State Government to make different waterway channels, and numerous force extends on a similar tributary, a genuine peril of condition is assurance. With more than 42 Projects presently working, and 203 tasks in development and freedom stage, at each 6 †7 kms stretch, there will be a dam to block the progression of the stream. 2. All the ventures depend on high seismic regions in and around regions chamoli, rudra prayag, pithoragarh, Almora and in spite of extreme earth shakes in 1720, 1803, 1991, and 1999 the variety of hydro power ventures, without satisfactory counter seismic estimates keep on running maverick in this manner making genuine hazard the lives of the individuals. 3. There is an away from of Flash Floods which would bring about serious annihilation to life and property in and around the low lying zones of the slopes. Table Appended to the Report has additionally featured different cases wherein such blaze floods have happened already in similar zones. 4. No proof to recommend that for inability to conform to the states of Environmental Impact Assessment, a punishment was forced on the manufacturers. 5. Disappointment of the nodal organization to guarantee accommodation of quarterly and half yearly consistence reports by the administration. . Glaring Negligence towards Environmental and Security Concerns. 7. The antagonistic effect on the environment was additionally underscored by the way that very nearly 4 out of 5 Power Projects have shown the total evaporating of stream beds to a stream coming about into serious disability and pulverization of the biology, and lopsidedness in the water table coming about into evaporating of regular springs in the close by territories. 8. As indicated by International Standards, the base release of stream downstream ought to be kept up at 75 % so the sea-going life stays unblemished. Be that as it may, the current activities are releasing downstream waterway by 90 % or more which results into complete decimation of the oceanic life. 9. Defective Pre-Feasibility Survey Reports, which gives off base information for assessment of the hydro power station, which implies genuine inadequacies in learning whether the area to develop is doable or not, inquiries on plant effectiveness and what might be the effect of soil disintegration, and so forth stay in a condition of genuine danger. 10. As much as 38 % of the absolute activities which have been allowed an Environmental Clearance have neglected to do required manor. By †Passing The Law according to the Gazette notice gave by the Central Government under Sections 2 and 3 of the Environment Protection Act, 1986, the territory encompassing the waterway Bhagirathi from Gaumukh to Uttarkashi, which is 135 kms stretch, was pronounced to be â€Å"eco touchy area†. An absolute territory of around 4179. 59 sq km wen t under the eco-touchy zone. This will force limitations on quarrying, charging hydropower extends on Bhagirathi, and development of streets in the denied region. Furthermore, it will force a prohibition on felling of trees and setting up of industrial facilities to make furniture and other wooden things. For the motivations behind compelling execution, the State Government, with the assistance of the neighborhood NGO’s and individuals was commanded to figure a Zonal Master Plan encompassing the zone, whereby each hydel power which is beneath 20 MW of Power Generation Capacity needed to take a leeway from the State Ministry. Notwithstanding, the State Government restricted the said notice in May as they were not â€Å"consulted† before this strategy was detailed; among concerns voiced by the residents that a ban on advancement would send them back to the Stone Age, which as a general rule was not what the warning imagined. This common habitual pettiness and between pastoral wastes of time have prompted such crime. Today the very region encompassing Bhagirathi and parts of Uttarkashi are the most noticeably terrible hit territories of the State. Tragedy of Environmental Clearance. Another warning gave by the Central Government warrants consideration. It was ordered that before endorsing the activities, or before extending or modernizing until now existing undertakings, it was mandatory to get an Environmental Impact Assessment Clearance from the Central Government and the State Government. Each Hydel Power venture was exposed to indistinguishable injuries from have been ordered under Section 3(1) and Section 3(2) (v) of the Environment Protection Act, 1986. Such an EIA must be in congruity with the Standards set somewhere around the National Environment Policy, and the rules that have been made under Rule 5 of the Environment Protection Rules. There are four phases before acquiring an Environmental Clearance: 1. Screening wherein the undertakings are separated into two classifications, those to be evaluated by the Central Government (Category A Projects which are well beyond 25 MW limit power ventures), and those to be surveyed by the State Government (Under 25 MW Capacity Power Projects). 2. Checking by which the Expert Committee decides on point by point concerns (current and plausible) with respect to Environmental Depletion or harm, at which stage the Committee is enabled to permit or reject the application looking for initiation of the task. 3. Open Consultation which accommodates an open meeting held in the sponsorship of the site, get reactions of all partners, locals, and so forth recorded as a hard copy and to be administered by the State Pollution Control Board, yet which explicitly bars â€Å"modernization of water system projects† out of its space. . Examination which implies the definite investigation by the Expert Appraisal Committee or State Level Expert Appraisal Committee of the application and different records like the Final EIA report, result of the open conferences including formal review procedures, put together by the candidate to the administrative power worried for award of natural leeway. Notwithstanding the previously mentioned governing rules, there is an intermittent Post Environment Clearance checking which are to be submitted on a half yearly premise by the administration. This gives a ruddy image of the law that administers such clearances; anyway the fact of the matter is a long way from such idea. For example, as indicated by the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, as much as 38 % of the complete businesses and activities working in the zone, and which have gotten a green sign to work, have not consented to the compulsory ranch of trees in and around the site. This has come about into genuine deforestation in the sloping regions, which results into soil disintegration. Himalayas being youthful overlap mountains, have a truly shaky soil compaction, when contrasted with other mountain ranges, as a result of which soil disintegration can accept destructive extents, it is likewise the motivation behind why waterways are changing their common course and cutting profound hole in the slopes, unleashing devastation among the individuals who hinder its. It is safe to say that we are to be faulted? This is one interminable inquiry, which warrants an ignoble contemplation. Reports have additionally proposed that unlawful development of inns, rest houses, visitor houses, inns and r

The Roles of Strategic Corporate Social Responsibility in Essay

The Roles of Strategic Corporate Social Responsibility in Multinational Companies - Essay Example ggests that the financial capacities must be practiced with a delicate consciousness of changing social qualities and needs and the external circle traces recently rising and still dubious obligations that enterprises ought to expect to turn out to be all the more effectively engaged with improving the social condition in which they work (Shalhoub, 1999, p. 13). Scholars have distinguished four wide regions of vital corporate duty that a MNC embraces, monetary, lawful, good, and social. The primary reason of the four regions is found in the fundamental idea of the organization, which is a secretly based, financial element whose individuals are required to settle on choices that has a critical effect on various constituents (Brummer, 1991). Later MNCs understand that a partnership has not in every case each of the four duties. At the point when it went to the appropriation of SCSR, worldwide MNCs neglected to react viably to the noteworthy issues of their nations (Logsdon and Wood, 2005). It would not be right to state that worldwide organizations (MNCs) while reacting to concerns like scaling back and natural debasement took activities to show their social duty (Edwards et al, Feb 2007). Along these lines the MNCs really received SCSR to decrease their workforce through either intentional or automatic methods or a mix of both. As such, MNCs so as to protect themselves will in general receive SCSR however with certain worries of which the most noteworthy is the corporate scaling back in secretly and freely possessed firms as of late. The idea that MNCs have neglected to receive SCSR is portrayed from some notable models. MNCs disappointment could be investigated by those fights and customer blacklists that Nestle has encountered as of late in selling its different items in Africa (Husted and Allen, 2006). Same is the situation Nike has encountered because of kid work maltreatment in redistributing in Asia. The worldwide MNCs can't consider the reason for their disappointment which alludes to those corporate

Tennessee Valley Authority

Tennessee Valley Authority Introduction Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), independent U.S. government corporate agency, created in 1933 by act of Congress; it is responsible for the integrated development of the Tennessee River basin. The history of TVA began in the early 1920s, when Senator George William Norris sponsored a plan to have the government take over and operate Wilson Dam and other installations that had been built by the government for national defense purposes during World War I at Muscle Shoals, Alabama. However, legislation to this effect was vetoed in 1928 and in 1931 by Presidents Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover. The 1933 TVA Act, redrafted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, went far beyond the earlier proposals and launched the federal government into a vast scheme of regional planning and developmentâ€"an undertaking that became the model for similar river projects. The establishment of the TVA marked the first time that an agency was directed to address the total resource develo pment needs of a major region. TVA was instructed to take on the problems presented by devastating floods, badly eroded lands, a deficient economy, and a steady outmigrationâ€"all in one unified development effort. The act provided for the integrated development of the whole Tennessee River basin, an area of about 41,000 sq mi (106,200 sq km) that covers parts of seven states. The TVA is governed by a three-person board of directors. The fact that its main offices are located in the region, rather than in Washington, D.C., allows the TVA to maintain a close working relationship with the people of the region. Sections in this article: Introduction Facets and Activities of the TVA Financing the TVA The TVA Today Bibliography The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Copyright © 2012, Columbia University Press. All rights reserved. See more Encyclopedia articles on: U.S. Government

Omnivore Definition and Examples

An omnivore is an organism that eats both animals and plants. An animal with such a diet is said to be omnivorous. An omnivore that youre probably pretty familiar with are humans—most humans (other than those who dont get any nutrition from animal products because of medical or ethical reasons) are omnivores. The Term Omnivore The word omnivore comes from the Latin words omni—meaning all—and vorare—meaning devour, or swallow. Therefore, omnivore means devours all in Latin. This is pretty accurate, as omnivores can get their food from a variety of sources. Food sources can include algae, plants, fungi, and animals.  Animals may be omnivorous their entire lives or just at specific stages of life. Advantages and Disadvantages of Being an Omnivore Omnivores have the advantage of being able to find food in a variety of places. Therefore, if one prey source diminishes, they can fairly easily switch to another one.  Some omnivores are also scavengers, meaning they feed on dead animals or plants, which further increases their food options. They do have to find their food—omnivores either wait for their food to pass by them or need to actively seek it out.  Since they have such a general diet, their means of getting food is not as specialized as carnivores or herbivores. For example, carnivores have sharp teeth for ripping and gripping prey and herbivores have flatter teeth adapted for grinding.  Omnivores may have a mix of both kinds of teeth—think of our molars and incisors as an example. A disadvantage for other marine life is that marine omnivores may be more likely to invade non-native habitats. This has cascading effects on native species, which may be preyed-upon or displaced by the invading omnivore. An example of this is the Asian shore crab which is native to countries in the Northwest Pacific Ocean but was transported to Europe and the U.S. where it is out-competing native species for food and habitat. Examples of Marine Omnivores Below are some examples of marine omnivores: Many crab species (including blue, ghost and Asian shore crabs)Horseshoe crabsLobsters (e.g. American lobster, spiny lobster)Some sea turtles—like Olive ridley and flatback turtles—are omnivores. Green turtles are herbivores as adults, but omnivores as hatchlings. Loggerhead turtles are carnivores as adults but omnivores as hatchlingsCommon perwinkle: These small snails feed mostly on algae but may also eat small animals (like barnacle larvae)Some types of zooplanktonSharks are generally carnivores, although the whale shark and basking shark may be considered omnivores, as they are filter feeders that eat plankton. As they mow through the ocean with their enormous mouths open, the plankton they consume may include both plants and animals. Using that line of reasoning, mussels and barnacles may be considered omnivores, since they filter small organisms (which may contain both phytoplankton and zooplankton) from the water Omnivores and Trophic Levels In the marine (and terrestrial) world, there are producers and consumers. Producers (or autotrophs) are organisms that make their own food. These organisms include plants, algae, and some types of bacteria. Producers are at the base of a food chain.  Consumers (heterotrophs) are organisms that need to consume other organisms to survive. All animals, including omnivores, are consumers.   In a food chain, there are trophic levels, which are the feeding levels of animals and plants. The first trophic level includes the producers, because they produce the food that fuels the rest of the food chain. The second trophic level includes the herbivores, which eat producers.  The third trophic level includes omnivores and carnivores. References and Further Information: Chiras, D.D. 1993. Biology: The Web of Life. West Publishing Company.Harper, D. Omnivorous. Online Etymology Dictionary. Accessed September 29, 2015.National Geographic. Autotroph.  Accessed September 29, 2015.The Oceanic Society. What Do Sea Turtles Eat? SEETurtles.org. Accessed September 29, 2015.

Modern Birth Control And Gender Roles Essay - 2209 Words

Before the introduction of modern birth control, gender roles emphasized the responsibility of women to conceive and raise children. Although this began to change in the in the mid-twentieth century, with the introduction of the first hormonal birth control pill, Enovid, taking place in 1960, it was not readily accessible during that time period (Buttar and Seward, 2009, p. 1-3). This did not change during the time period immediately following the introduction either; five years after the introduction of Enovid, there was still controversy surrounding the use of contraceptives. In the Supreme Court case of Griswold v. Connecticut, the legality of birth control on the market was debated, and the case concluded with the allowance of hormonal contraceptives, but it was limited to married couples only under the right of marital privacy (George and Lewis, 2016, p. 1). The controversy and secrecy that surrounded the use of birth control shortly after its introduction indicates that althoug h it was certainly present and used in society during this time period, it still carried the negative social connotations of the past, which prevented it from being socially normalized. In contrast, the standardization of birth control in society took place decades later, from approximately the 1990 to 2010s. In contemporary American society, birth control has become more readily accessible to women, which is indicated by the increased usage of contraception in society. The number of birthShow MoreRelatedGender Is A Now A Large Topic For Modern Society938 Words   |  4 PagesGender is a now a huge topic for modern days. How can you classify a gender in modern society? The answer to this question cannot be answered in modern society but in the past countries were the ones to label genders. Tell them who they are, what is there role, how you support the country in this role. Nazi Germany told to raise and birth children . Soviet Union you will raise children and birth them but also be a soldier and fight when needed. You will be treated as a man but with the duty of aRead MoreThe Handmaids Tale Essay1732 Words   |  7 PagesAtwood’s ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ in Modern Day America The novel quot;The Handmaid#39;s Talequot; written by Margaret Atwood in 1985 is a fictional novel about Gilead, a place ruled by male religious fundamentalists who rape women labeled as handmaids to bear children for infertile wives. The society encourages the enslavement of women to control their reproductive rights. While Atwood’s novel depicts a fictional place, it describes a very real reality in modern day America. In America and otherRead MoreEssay about Compare and Contrast Traditional and Modern Families850 Words   |  4 Pages071807 Compare and contrast traditional and modern families Since the nineteenth century, in the western societies, family patterns changed under the forces of industrialisation and urbanisation. Another factor which has been involved in those changes is the growing intervention of the state, by legislative action, in the domestic affairs of the family. As a result of these trends, the modern â€Å"nuclear† family has been substituted for the traditional extended familyRead MoreGender Roles Of The Indian Society1344 Words   |  6 Pagesus. In this process, families are introduced to certain roles that are characteristically connected to their birth sex. The term gender role refers to society s concept of how men and women are projected to behave. These roles are typically founded on customs or standards, fashioned and often enforced by society. In many cultures such as in the United States, male roles are usually related with power, and governance, while female roles are usually associated with passivity, fostering, and subordina tionRead MoreEvolution of Gender Roles1706 Words   |  7 PagesGender roles have changed immensely in the United States throughout the last century, especially within society. Men and women were viewed differently back in the 1900s as two separate genders and having two separate roles to live by as compared to men and women in the 21st century. Women in the early 1900s were expected to stay home to cater for her husband’s needs while they went to work, or in most homes, were away to serve at war. Men had all the privileges women could not have or do. WomenRead MoreThe On The Battlefield Of Equality1625 Words   |  7 Pagesovercame the battle of obtaining suffrage and the advancement of birth control; these challenges led to an embracing of new ideas in fashion, sexuality, and equality. To begin, suffrage for women in America began in the mid 1800s and ended in 1920, when women in America were finally granted with this well-deserved right to vote. In America, suffrage began in the western state of Wyoming in 1869, where women had a slightly more equal role in the economy and were generally more accepted in politics andRead MoreThe Political Economy Of Gender933 Words   |  4 Pagesthe home and workplace. Responses to gender gap problems don’t have the same solutions around the world however. Through the â€Å"The Political Economy of Gender† by Iversen and Rosenbluth the effect modern movements have on women’s beliefs can be examined through Albert Hirschman’s ideas of â€Å"voice and exit† and further applied to situations such as those examined in â€Å"Exit, voice, and family policy in Japan† by Leonard Schoppa. In â€Å"The Political Economy of Gender† background is provided on the economicRead MoreThe Political Economy Of Gender1211 Words   |  5 Pagesthe home and workplace. Responses to gender gap problems don’t have the same solutions around the world however. Through the â€Å"The Political Economy of Gender† by Iversen and Rosenbluth the effect modern movements have on women’s beliefs can be examined through Albert Hirschman’s ideas of â€Å"voice and exit† and further applied to situations such as those examined in â€Å"Exit, voice, and family policy in Japan† by Leonard Schoppa. In â€Å"The Political Economy of Gender† Iversen and Rosenbluth provide backgroundRead MoreThe Yellow Wallpaper And Gender1409 Words   |  6 PagesFajardo December 8, 2015 ENG 180-03 Final Paper The Yellow Wallpaper and Gender Charlotte Perkins Gilman is a feminist American poet, writer and lecturer for social reform (Purvis 2009). This piece, written in the early- to mid- nineteenth century, was well known for its feminist views. It is the story of a controlling husband and a woman who is coping from being separated from her child at birth. She is trapped in this relationship with a man who does not seem to care much for howRead MoreWomen During The Ancient World1445 Words   |  6 Pagessuch civilizations were Ancient Rome and Early Modern England. England during the 15th and 16th centuries supported the Anglican faith. Women, by divine belief, were created as subordinates to men; the rationale for this constitutes the creation of Eve from Adam’s rib, suggesting that women were made for man. Sexist bias was also supported in Rome (753 B.C. to 1453 A.D.) where the traditional ambitions of all women were to wed unknowingly, birth abundantly, and serve their husbands unfailingly

Cognitive Biases in Entrepreneurial Strategies Free Essays

string(222) " cognitive biases could an entrepreneur encounter\? Theory In this section the previously stated substitutions will be answered based on theory of decision-making, cognitive biases and the application to entrepreneurship\." The view of the human as a rational being is nowadays heavily questioned (Simon, 1959), UT in science a lot of models and theories still are based on this assumption. When looking at research on entrepreneurship, we notice that it is considered a relatively new field of study, though practice has shown that entrepreneurial activities have a great influence on the market. Schumacher (1934) already linked entrepreneurial Initiatives of Individuals to the creation and destruction of Industries, as well as to economic development. We will write a custom essay sample on Cognitive Biases in Entrepreneurial Strategies or any similar topic only for you Order Now More research has been conducted about entrepreneurship, which questions the classical picture of the economic man – Homo economics – and he classical concept of rationality. This might be because the entrepreneur himself Is one of the most crucial factors of either the success or failure of an entrepreneurial business. This has caused the entrepreneur to be a hot topic and so a lot of research has been dedicated to the phenomenon. An Shame to (2000) for example different argues that the underlying factor that causes entrepreneur knowledge. Other research has focused on the traits of entrepreneurs. In general, entrepreneurs are considered overconfident (Cooper et al. , 1988), which is a good thing if you want to start-up a company. Without this trait, start-ups would probably not take place as often as we observe (Goodness Lecher, 2013). However, research has also showed that this overconfidence is associated with failure (Camera Lovable, 1999). Nobel (2011) argued that although we know 30 to 40 per cent of entrepreneurial firms fail, many other are bought out or never bring expected return on investment, meaning that the real failure rate can be up to 70 or 80 per cent. Overconfidence is one of the known biases that influence human beings in decision making. There are, however, a lot of more biases which an entrepreneur can encounter. This raises the question of whether being aware example of such of the biases could help the bias, entrepreneur in his activities. If we look at the overconfidence overconfidence can lead to wrong decisions. Awareness thus, could be helpful. On the other hand, if the entrepreneur is aware of this bias he could become too careful in the decision making process. This can result in no action being taken when the ‘moment’ arrives. Or it could result in the entrepreneur even deciding not to continue due to the risks being too high. This leads us to the question: 3 The following questions will help us answer the main question by shedding some eight on the biases that are out there: Theory of Bounded Rationality As mentioned in the introduction, we assume Homo economics appears to be perfectly rational and has complete knowledge, while the economic choices one makes are clandestine in the economic sphere without affecting other aspects of the individual such as emotions or being influenced by the environment. This is in line with the neoclassical economic theory that assumes full What is a cognitive bias? Why does this article address cognitive biases? What kind of cognitive biases could an entrepreneur encounter? Theory In this section the previously stated substitutions will be answered based on theory of decision-making, cognitive biases and the application to entrepreneurship. You read "Cognitive Biases in Entrepreneurial Strategies" in category "Papers" Entrepreneurship We accept the definition of entrepreneurship as suggested by Stevenson and Carillon (1990): ‘Entrepreneurship is about individuals who create opportunities through various modes of organizing, without regard to resources currently controlled. Sevens and Carillon moved away from the view of the traits school’ which tried to describe how entrepreneurs differed from other people by control, leadership, or propensity for risk-taking. When studies showed that entrepreneurs are as different from one another as they are from school’ non- entrepreneurs, the ‘behavioral rationality. This view has been criticized by Simon (1959) who developed an approach based on bounded rationality and problem solving. Simon stated that the assumption of full rationality is unrealistic. In his view, the rationality of individuals is limited by the information they have, the cognitive limitations of their minds and the finite amount of time they have to make decisions. The theory of bounded rationality states that individuals face uncertainty about the future and costs in acquiring information in the present. What is a cognitive bias? Biases and heuristics (mental shortcuts) are decision rules, cognitive mechanisms, and subjective opinions people use to help them making decisions. This is a deviation of the benchmark Cognitive of biases rational prevent decision-making. Individuals to accurately understand reality and interfere with the ability to be impartial, unprejudiced or objective (Goodness and Lecher, 2013). Taverns and Keenan (1974) state that people rely on ‘heuristic principles which reduce the complex tasks of assessing probabilities and predicting values to simpler Judgmental operations. There are specific and systematic biases that move the Judgmen t away from the perfect rationality of individuals. Argued that the process of creating a new venture, should be the fundamental part of defining someone as an entrepreneur. (Gideon, 2010). This is why we agree on the definition by Stevenson and Carillon, which also implies we will not discuss entrepreneurial traits in this article. 4 Drawing on aspects of both psychology and economics, the operating assumption of behavioral economics is that cognitive biases often prevent people from making rational decisions, despite their best efforts. Why do we focus on cognitive biases? The general opinion about entrepreneurs is that they are risk takers. However, research showed that if entrepreneurs have to choose, they prefer to take moderate risks instead of taking decisions where there is high risk involved (Keenan and Lovable, 1994). This seems a contradiction, because the decision to become an entrepreneur is statistically a highs decision since over half of new ventures fail. In a study conducted by Cooper and colleagues their (1988), 95 per cent of the The interviewed entrepreneurs venture would did not entrepreneurs were convinced succeed. Where there is a complex interplay between feelings and thoughts which have awoken intense emotions. He concludes deal with that these entrepreneurs frequently situations that are new, unpredictable and complex. What kind of cognitive biases could an entrepreneur encounter? When we look at what kind of biases an entrepreneur can encounter, it needs to be known what kind of biases exist. There are dozens of known biases but not all an entrepreneurs will meet. We would like to discuss the biases that came across the most in research of cognitive threats of entrepreneurs. Optimism bias. The decision to become an entrepreneur is a crucial step that only can be taken if the entrepreneur is feeling optimistic about the chances of success. Because the chance of failure is statistically higher than success, entrepreneurs usually have an optimism bias. As mentioned before, 95 per cent of the entrepreneurs perceive the future of their new venture as being successful, while past studies of business survival suggest poor prospects for long-term survival for most new businesses (Cooper et al. , 1988). The optimism bias makes because entrepreneurs they see perceive less risk, more everything receive the new venture as a risk and their perception, rather than objective reality, explained the decision to start a current or future venture. That is why entrepreneurs do not necessarily have a higher risk propensity than other people (Keenan and Lovable, 1994). They simply perceive existing risks smaller than they are which shows that entrepreneurs are biased. Baron (2004) suggests that entrepreneurs are more often exposed to situations that test the limits of their cognitive capacities than other people. This increases their susceptibility to various forms of bias or error. Baron argued that biases occur more frequently when individuals are confronted with more information than they can process at a given time, they face situations that are new to them and involve high degrees of uncertainty, and optimistically. In ‘The Evolution of Cognitive Bias’, (2005) Hasten, Nettle, and Andrews state that where biases exist individuals draw inferences or adopt beliefs where the evidence for doing so in a logically sound manner is either insufficient or absent. In the case of 5 entrepreneurs however, we see that even if logical sound manner is sufficient still an entrepreneur can be biased. In the experiment by Cooper and colleagues (1988) 95 percent of the entrepreneurs was thinking that their venture would be a success, disappear when they knew about the objective chances. Business and Barney (1997) have stated that the optimism bias of an entrepreneur could also influence the stakeholders around them as well. If the stakeholders wait until they attain all additional information, the opportunity they seek to exploit could be gone by the time this data is available. This means that the optimism bias of an entrepreneur can even overrule the rationality of other persons involved. Illusion of control The illusion of control gives the entrepreneur a sense of control that increases the likelihood of them acting on an opportunity, but at the same time it may blind them to genuine risks. Simon et al. 2000) The illusion of control states that decision makers often overestimate the personal control they have over the outcomes. This type of bias influences the ability for decision makers to actually make a decision. This could also be the reason many entrepreneurs fail even though they thought they had made a right decision. Belief in the Law of Small Numbers The belief in the law of small numbers is the use small off limited sample of to draw rim are conclusions. The bias makes people believe samples information representative of the entire population from Overconfidence bias. Overconfidence refers to an unwarranted, high level of confidence (Forester and Scratchy, 2007). It is interesting that overconfidence can only be determined in retrospect, after an evaluation of knowledge, predictions and outcomes. Therefore, it will be difficult to notice beforehand if an entrepreneur is dealing with an overconfidence bias. Because of overconfidence, people do not take into account other factors and information that they need for decision-making. Goodness and Lecher optimism (2013), bias and argued distrust. Hat They the overconfidence bias is influenced by both the see overconfidence as a central theme in the failure of entrepreneurial firms with its effects magnified in combination with other cognitive biases. Which they are drawn (Simon et al, 2000). Simon and Houghton (2002) argued that belief in the law of small numbers may explain why entrepreneurs often overestimate demand. The success of a small number of people in their own environment can make entrepreneu rs think that they will also be successful, while the objective probability of success may be very low. Business and Barney (1997) mint out that entrepreneurs often use biased samples from a small number of friends or potential customers. Decision-makers versus Entrepreneurs Business and Barney mentioned that entrepreneurs are influenced by the sorts of cognitive biases that we all as individuals encounter (1997). However, they found that the extent to which people deviate from rational thinking may not be constant and that different individuals may utilize biases and heuristics to different degrees. They argued, and Baron (2004) agrees, that entrepreneurs in general are more susceptible to the use of biases and heuristics in decision-making. For entrepreneurs, the level of uncertainty in making decisions is higher than for general decision-makers (Humpback and Cozier, 1985; Covina and Sliven, 1989). Also, general managers can approximate the rational ideal more closely because they usually have access to historical trends and past performance, while entrepreneurs do not. Several studies (Covina and Sliven, 1991; Garner et al. 992; Miller and Ferries, 1984) have shown that the context faced in decommissioning by entrepreneurs tends to be more complex than the context faced by managers. Pitfalls, biases and heuristics are likely to have more utility in hose highly complex decision settings faced by entrepreneurs, compared to the less complex context that managers face (Business and Barney, 1997). We find that entrepreneurs in general encounter, and until now no attempt has been do ne in making such a list. Simon et al. (2000) did make a selection in their research towards risk perception and the start of a new venture. They selected three biases that may lower risk perception when starting a new venture. Their research focused on the overconfidence bias, the illusion of control and the belief in small numbers (see table 3). In their research optimism did not have a significant relationship with the decision to start a new venture, therefore they left this bias out of the model. Striking is that they left optimism out of their model, because they found a lack of significant relationship between optimism and the decision to start a venture. They mentioned however that other studies did encounter optimism affecting both cognition and behavior and explain that their outcome may have occurred because their survey measured optimism in a specific context. Further research on at least the optimism bias therefore is necessary. What influence can biases have on the success or failure of an entrepreneurial firm? Biases can have great impact on the success or failure of a company. Goodness and Lecher (2013) argued that their research shows that overconfidence can lead to disastrous effects in the entrepreneurial domain. In fact, they even found a strong relationship between overconfidence and company failure, especially if overconfidence was linked with other biases. Also they found that optimism bias has a negative effect on firm survival, strengthening arguments on low risk perception and resultant propensity to fail. However optimism bias also acted positively on opportunity orientation. This is an important encounter more biases than other types of decision-makers, but no specific research has been done on framing the most common biases faced by entrepreneurs. In the field of strategic decision-making however, Hogwash described the 29 most common separate biases (1980). The ones that he considered most likely to affect strategic decisions are listed in table 1. An overview like this is missing in the field of entrepreneurship. One reason for this might be that most entrepreneurship common biases is hard to frame. Previous research did not mention a list of the that 7 finding, as one of the important aspects of entrepreneurship is finding opportunities. Effective decision-making by entrepreneurs with respect to actions involving risk could play an important role in the success of new ventures. Empirical findings in literature about entrepreneurship offer support for the possibility that successful entrepreneurs are more effective at this task. Simon et al. (2000) found that effectiveness at decision making is an important factor in the performance of new ventures. Lovable and Keenan (1993) prescribed corrective measures to overcome the biases and achieve optimal behavior in every situation. Also Russo and Shoemaker (1989) reasoned that decision biases can be corrected through training. They have indicated that every decision-maker must, consciously or unconsciously, go through each phase of the decision-making process. They have stated ten most common barriers that entrepreneurs encounter in making good decisions. These barriers show resemblance with the biases described by Hogwash (1980). The availability bias, ‘Judgments of probability of clearheadedly events are distorted’, can be linked to the trusting shortsighted the most shortcuts, readily ‘relying or inappropriately on rules of thumb such as information anchoring too much on invention facts’. Both of them trust the most readily available information and thus the Judgment of probability may be distorted. Conservatism, which is the failure to sufficiently revise forecasts based on new information, can be linked to fooling ourselves about feedback, since in both cases the feedback will not be taken into account when forecasting new decisions, which can also emerge from being overconfident in making a Judgment. Russo and Shoemaker (1989) indicated that good decision-making can be broken down into four main elements: (1) framing; (2) gathering intelligence; (3) coming to a conclusion; (4) learning from feedback. Entrepreneurs have to keep track of what they expected to happen while guarding and against Lecher self-serving (2013) also explanations. Goodness agreed with the effectiveness of training on biases. They stated that for example the training of unrealistic optimists should stimulate the motivation to manage finances, to take advice, not to leave matters up to chance, and to understand the value of healthy distrust in oneself and others in non-routine situations. However, they also warned that training programs for entrepreneurs are not always a good idea. If it was not for the cognitive biases, start-ups would not occur as often as we observe now. Their advice for entrepreneurs is to balance the organization with people that are aware of these biases and can correct the entrepreneur where necessary. As well, Taverns and Keenan (1974) do not consider the biases as something that always should be eliminated. They argued that under conditions of environmental uncertainty and complexity, biases and heuristics sometimes also can be an effective and efficient guide to decision-making, simply because in such settings comprehensive and cautious decommissioning is not always possible. They state that biases and heuristics may even provide an effective way to Training When a bias causes harm, it is of critical importance that it can be addressed properly. Errors in decision-making can be extremely costs at not only the personal but also at the professional and societal level. As this article indicates, there does not seem to be an easy fix. Building further upon his previous work, Fishhook (1982) reviewed four strategies for reducing bias: (1) warning subjects about the potential for bias, (2) describing the likely direction of bias, (3) illustrating bias to the subject, and (4) providing extended training, feedback, coaching and other interventions. Fishhook concluded that these first three strategies yielded limited success, and that ‘even intensive, personalized feedback and training produced only moderate improvements in decision making. This model, derived from Wilson and Breaker (1994), shows how Judgmental biases are created and how they can be reduced. Awareness should first be created, there must be motivation to correct this bias and the direction and magnitude of the bias should be understood. As a final step, the bias should be removed or countered. But what is interesting is to see which techniques can be used to mitigate the bias of co ncern. We believe this can be done by applying a counter bias or by structuring the decision-making process. If decision makers rely less on intuition and emotion when making a decision, and more on deliberate and structured thinking processes, a decision can be made which approximates rationality. Analysis A list of the most common biases among decision-makers (note this it is not a list of the most common among entrepreneurs) have been framed earlier in this paper by Hogwash (1980). It is known that entrepreneurs are more susceptible to the effects of biases, but it is doubtful whether the most important biases for decision-makers are also the most important ones for entrepreneurs. The optimism bias and overconfidence decision-makers, bias do not appear on in the Hogwash’s list of most common biases for while research cognitive biases of entrepreneurs mentions them often. The problem with making an analysis on the cognitive biases that entrepreneurs encounter is that there is no such a list of most common biases among entrepreneurs. Earlier in this paper, we accepted the definition by Stevenson and is Carillon several to (1990) modes that of entrepreneurship opportunities organizing without about creating resources through rage rd currently controlled. This made us not look at the traits of an entrepreneur, but at the processes of decision-making and biases that can occur. There are biases that every person encounters, but there are certain biases that have a more effect on decision-making but also have to be aware of different sorts of biases that can influence their perception of the world. This can be of great influence on the future of their new ventures. As Abide (1994) argued, there are three critical elements of successful entrepreneurial approaches. Entrepreneurs 9 have to screen opportunities quickly to weed out unpromising ventures, they have to analyze ideas in which they focus on new important issues and they have to integrate taking action and analysis. His most important conclusion is that entrepreneurs must reflect on the adequacy of their ideas and their capacities to execute them. This comes back to what we are addressing in this article. Can entrepreneurs be aware of adequacy of their ideas? And is it recommendable to create this awareness among entrepreneurs? To be able to have a better perception of the world and thus be better capable of reflecting and making decisions, biases are of great importance. Hen reflecting on the environment of the new venture and when making decisions based upon those reflections. Training programs to become aware of bias do exist. Russo and Shoemaker (1989) proposed a training system in which good decision- making can be broken down into four main elements. In each element the person involved is encouraged to take the different barriers (table 2) into account so that he or she is guarded against silvering explanations. However, Goodness and Lecher (2013) argued that when entrepreneur are aware of biases, probably less start-ups will be realized. They advise that not the entrepreneurs will follow a raining program, biases. But rather people around the entrepreneur should be aware of existing Conclusion Although there are frameworks of individual cognitive biases in the literature of decision making, like the barriers by Hogwash (1980), there is no clear framework which cognitive biases entrepreneurs commonly encounter and how and if the effects of these biases should be reduced. The biases studied showed however that they can have big influence on the success or failure of a new venture. Goodness and Lecher (2013) found a strong relationship between overconfidence and company failure. Also positive biases strengthen low risk reception and increased the chance of failure. On the other hand, a positive bias in the startup phase of the company could be of great help because it strengthens the entrepreneur in motivation and opportunity finding. If entrepreneurs are aware of their biases, they could take this knowledge into consideration Taverns and Keenan (1974) pointed at the fact that not always should be eliminated. Under conditions of environmental uncertainty and in complexity, biases and simply heuristics because sometimes also can be effective and efficient decision-making, comprehensive and cautious decision-making is not always possible. Being aware of cognitive biases contributes towards obtaining optimal behavior in every situation. However, when we want to answer the question if awareness helps entrepreneurial firms perform better we would like to advise to also create awareness among the people around the entrepreneur and not the entrepreneur himself. The bias of an entrepreneur can be crucial in the start-up of a company and the motivation of other people. However, when a bias is harmful people around him can undertake action to 10 eliminate this bias and therefore reduce the chance of a company’s failure. As a radical note we would like to mention that research on biases that an entrepreneur can encounter still has not been done. How to cite Cognitive Biases in Entrepreneurial Strategies, Papers

Cultural Adjustment Essay Research Paper free essay sample

Cultural Adjustment Essay, Research Paper # 8220 ; An analysis of cultural dazes # 8221 ; Coming to America was one of my dreams, so I started working on it and after finishing montage, I received the visa for the States and bought the ticket to come to America. I was a small spot baffled because I had been hearing about America since my childhood. There is a immense cultural difference between my society and the modern society of the States, and because of these differences, my friends and I faced some jobs after coming here. These jobs are normally called cultural dazes. By analysing the differences between America and my ain state of Pakistan, in the countries of gender functions, household, matrimony and jubilations, one can see how cultural dazes occur. Since my birth, I have been populating in a society where the work forces and adult females are non all to interact with each other as over here. We will write a custom essay sample on Cultural Adjustment Essay Research Paper or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page It is one of the biggest differences in my civilization and the civilization here. There are normally separate categories for misss and male childs in my society, but over here, there is no construct of this. In add-on, I know you will surprise to gain that holding a fellow for a miss or a girlfriend for a male child is a hard accomplishment. In my society there is a joint household system, the kids live together with their parents whether they are under 18 or non. Over here, there is a construct of # 8220 ; individuality # 8221 ; . Every 1 has an single life, doing their ain determinations for every thing. Here, a individual over 18 populating with his parents is considered an immature individual. In my civilization, a individual non populating with his parents doesn # 8217 ; T hold a respectable topographic point in the society, because it is our societal and spiritual usage to take attention of our parents. Divorce is common here, but in my society it # 8217 ; s non good to even believe about it. Peoples are divorced, but non every bit normally as over here. For illustration, among every 100 married people, possibly merely one is divorced, but over here out of 100, about degree Fahrenheit ifty are divorced or separated. Besides, some twosomes live together without a legal matrimony. One twenty-four hours, I went to a nuptials ceremonial with my uncle.It was one of his friends # 8217 ; nuptialss. I merely sat at that place, inquiring when the people would sing vocals and when the tiffin would get down, but after snoging each other, my uncle # 8217 ; s friend and his married woman went on a long thrust in their auto with a posting on the dorsum stating, # 8220 ; Just got married # 8221 ; . It was truly surprising for me to go to a nuptials like this, because in my civilization, the nuptials ceremonial is for five to six yearss. We sing vocals for the twosome, eat together with the whole household, purchase new apparels for the ceremonial and ask for all our relations and friends. I remember in my brothers marrying at that place were about a 1000 people. Here, for observing a happy juncture, people merely normally go to nines, drink, dance and travel place tardily dark and slumber. In my civilization, it # 8217 ; s wholly different. To observe an juncture, the whole household sits together, negotiations, or goes to any good eating house, but normally we cook our nutrient by our ego. The ladies take over the kitchen, while work forces sit and speak or watch any intelligence channel. Boys make a separate group and watch a film or speak on any interesting subject. So we normally merely talk, talk and talk, and that # 8217 ; s the manner we enjoy ourselves. We do hold a construct that clip is money, so we don # 8217 ; t blow our clip in useless things. As I mention before, both the states have a batch of cultural differences. I truly like some differences and some I don # 8217 ; t. But I believe that with an unfastened head and a friendly attitude, I will be able to do friends, get accustomed to the values, believes and behaviours of the new civilization and possibly acquire to bask my life in the provinces and finally find ways of achieving the dream, to be an applied scientist, as I took my first measure on the American dirt. At the terminal I would wish to state, # 8221 ; The state who can non maintain its ain civilization will last everlastingly # 8221 ; . 32b

Case Study Analysis Donor Services Department

Diagnosis of the Situation From the case scenario, it is clear that the donor services department was not achieving its efficient capacities due to poor work flow organization, lack of adequate training on the part of employees, and lack of effective supervision. In work flow efficiency, the consultant found many unnecessary steps that led to slow turnaround times for various critical work processes, leading to the noted inefficiencies.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Case Study Analysis: ‘Donor Services Department’ specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Lack of training and inadequate supervision, according to the consultant, were responsible for the errors and poor quality work, not mentioning that only a few employees could actually explain why work was to be done in a certain way. Further analysis of the case reveals that lack of motivation, poor leadership and ineffective culture served to entrench th e problem of inefficient capacities in the donor services department. Recommendations The consultant should recommend further training and re-education of employees so that they understand their job roles better. Additionally, she should recommend the streamlining of work processes to remove unnecessary steps that contribute to the detailed inefficiencies. Furthermore, the management of the donor services department needs to allocate authority to the supervisor so that she is more able to ensure that rules and regulations of the department are followed by employees. It is always good to retain employees, especially if their skills and expertise are still needed by the organization. However, it serves no purpose to retain a clique of workers who actively contribute to low motivation levels among fellow colleagues. In this light, the consultant should recommend the removal from office of Juana and her two friends to spur creativity and motivation. Managerial Styles and Impacts Althoug h very little has been illuminated on Sam Wilson, it is clear that he shares the same management style with Jose Barriga since both seem clearly unaware of what is ailing the department. It can therefore be argued that Sam and Barigga share chaotic management style, which provides employees with the capacity to take control over their decision making processes. Indeed, Jose never likes to spend time in the office and never involves himself in the internal affairs of the department. The impacts are clear in lack of work organization and despondency by a clique of employees. Although Elena is meticulous, dependable, hardworking and loyal to the department, it is clear she exercises a hands-off management style due to inadequate authority, leading to lack of efficiency in work processes.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Improving Motivation Motivation in the department can be im proved by retraining the employees, allocating adequate authority to the supervisor to deal with despondency, and building a cohesive departmental culture that emphasizes the values of teamwork and respect. Handling Juana The best option that could be used to handle Juana, in my view, is to remove her from office and hire new staff because of her central role in leading a rebellion that has consistently affected the department’s efficient capacities. An employee who willingly becomes a liability to the organization’s goals and mission statement should be relieved of his or her duties to maintain harmony as well as spur creativity and innovation among the remaining members of staff. Cultural Factors influencing the Case The cultural factors influencing this case include lack of a clear and coherent ideology to govern workplace relationships, internalizing friendship in work processes, employees’ bilingual capacities, lack of workplace values as exhibited by the d espondent employees, and lack of positive attitude towards fellow employees and work processes. This essay on Case Study Analysis: ‘Donor Services Department’ was written and submitted by user Kristen W. to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

East Carolina University GPA, SAT ACT Admissions Data

East Carolina University GPA, SAT ACT Admissions Data East Carolina GPA, SAT and ACT Graph East Carolina University GPA, SAT Scores and ACT Scores for Admission. Data courtesy of Cappex. How Do You Measure Up at East Carolina University? Calculate Your Chances of Getting In  with this free tool from Cappex. Discussion of East Carolinas Admissions Standards: Roughly two-thirds of the applicants to East Carolina University are admitted. The bar for admission, however, is not overly high, and students with decent grades and test scores have a very good chance of getting in. In the graph above, the blue and green dots represent accepted students. You can see that the majority of successful applicants had high school averages of B- or higher, combined SAT scores of 1000 or higher (RWM), and ACT composite scores of 19 or higher. Higher grades and test scores obviously translate into a better chance of acceptance. In the middle of the graph youll see some red dots (rejected students) and yellow dots (waitlisted students) mixed in with the green and blue. Some students with grades and test scores that were on target for East Carolina University did not win admission. At the same time, some students were accepted with test scores and grades a little bit below the norm. This is because the East Carolinas admissions process is not entirely numerical. The university evaluates the rigor of your high school curriculum, not just your grades. The admissions folks want to see that you have taken challenging courses that have prepared you for college-level work. Also, the university is committed to diversity, and students personal situations and backgrounds can play a factor in the admissions process. To learn more about East Carolina University, high school GPAs, SAT scores and ACT scores, these articles can help: East Carolina University Admissions ProfileWhats a Good SAT Score?Whats a Good ACT Score?Whats Considered a Good Academic Record?What is a Weighted GPA? Articles Featuring East Carolina University: North Carolina Colleges and UniversitiesSAT Score Comparison for North Carolina Colleges and UniversitiesThe American Athletic Conference If You Like East Carolina University, You May Also Like These Schools Wake Forest University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphDuke University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphElon University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphUniversity of North Carolina - Greensboro:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphCampbell University:  Profile  North Carolina State University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphWestern Carolina University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphClemson University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphWingate University:  Profile  High Point University:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT GraphUniversity  of North Carolina - Wilmington:  Profile  |  GPA-SAT-ACT Graph

Identity management challenges Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Identity management challenges - Essay Example The same user profile may be replicated a number of times in different applications, each time with a different level of access permission. In large organizations competently managing user profiles - ensuring that they have the correct authorizations - is a time consuming, and therefore expensive - procedure for IT staff and managers. Increased regulatory compliance requirements such as Data Protection legislation in the European Union and Sarbanes-Oxley across the US mean that organizations are at greater risk of financial penalties and the loss of goodwill if they are perceived to be non-compliant. In a typical network each account holder needs to be authenticated, authorized and granted access permissions to network objects. In order to share data users must be able to access the same network objects. This requires the IT users and mangers to spend precious time walking over the same ground, with perhaps one or two changes in access permission on a case by case basis. For organizations with thousands of network users this is neither time nor cost effective for IT teams/managers or ultimately network users. IAM solutions are relatively new, and consist of an integrated stable of tools. Increasingly these tools are based upon open standards to ensure as much backward compatibility as possible with legacy systems. The tools assist organizations to streamline identity management, manage data consistently across different platforms and hence enhance regulatory compliance. Well known tools include: Centralized user directories (such as light-weight directory access protocol, LDAP) - to track a user's credentials; Password management systems - allow users to reset their passwords using a variety of means of authentication; Access management (or provisioning) systems - manage user access to multiple systems. Such systems usually provide workflow capabilities to handle change requests from users or departments. Web access management tools - primarily used to manage user access to multiple web-based applications. Single sign on systems - allow users to sign on once for access to multiple applications. Costing an IAM integration project depends on the number of users, types of applications already installed, platform interoperability, the time-scale, the amount of expertise within the organization and so forth, leading to a wide variation in final project costs. It is very difficult to centrally manage multiple applications, particularly when they reside on different operating systems and hardware platforms, with different authentication and authorization protocols. A minimum cost for implementing an IAM is $100,000 per annum in license fees (in a market which is predicted to grow from $1.2b in 2005 to $8b by 2009) (Tynan, page 2). The most costly and time consuming area of digital identity management is support for legacy systems (such as mainframes and older applications). Such systems rarely support external user management tools in the

Testing the relationship between the stock market and Time series Essay

Testing the relationship between the stock market and Time series model - Essay Example ionship between the stock market and Time series model† is aimed at explaining the volatility modelling used for stock market analysis, thus evaluating the performance of the ARCH and GARCH models. Data from four Asian stock market indices like Hang Seng index, Jakarta index, KLSE index and Stock exchange of Thailand index during 2000 to 2006 have been used in this study. The analysis helped to reach a conclusion that EGARCH is the best model among the GARCH family which helps in estimating the volatility of stock market to predict the stock market for future investment. By analysing recent developments in the stock exchanges gathered from newspaper reports, it is seen that a common question could be posed among the investors in stock. The question is â€Å"Is the stock market predictable?† It has become the main concern of many researchers for the last 20 years due to the up and down fluctuations leading to a large volatility. There are many stock market prediction tools contributed by different researchers which are helpful to both the public and institutions. There arises a question as to why a tool is required to predict the stock market due to the complexity of the stock market which is mainly influenced by economical, political, and monetary features. However, the fact is that markets’ reaction against each economic shock (i.e. bad news and good news) may vary from country to country due to their own macro economical and financial characteristics. For example, statistics show that Asian shares have fallen dramatically which is as follows: Tokyo by 11%, London Stock exchange by 5.7%, Hang Seng by 7.6%, India’s by 4%, Australia by 6.7% etc. (Wall Street shares yo-yo n.d.). For that reason, it is necessary to use several models to forecast volatility as well as evaluate them. It is seen that South Eastern stock exchanges have responded with lesser impact to the economic recession than European and American economies. The selected countries for this

Employee Motivation Elements in Job Design

Employee Motivation Elements in Job Design Introduction Background It is obvious that the world is in constant change process. Markets are growing and becoming more competitive and dynamic. According to Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (online), the systems and methods that once were effective to hold organisations together are now more likely to prevent communication and demotivate employees. Managers now need to take account of the changing attitudes and expectations of employees. They need to find new ways to organising work so that it allows more flexibility and brings motivation and job satisfaction to employees. Robinson, I. (2006) argues that motivated employees produce higher levels of performance, are more enthusiastic and committed to the organisation. They are willing to use their skills, participate and contribute to the benefit of the company. By contrast, demotivated employees are likely to be apathetic and to have higher levels of absence. It is self evident that organisational performance is likely to be greater with motivated and engaged employees. The concept of job design opens a new perspective to creating a more favourable work environment in which motivated employees will improve and enhance organisational performance. Aims Objectives This projects objectives are the following: To identify those specific factors / elements which are considered / used when designing job. To establish which job design factors motivate employees. To establish whether a relationship exists between employee motivation and the quality of job performance. The purpose of my research is fundamentally to find out whether the following hypothesis is true: H1. The aspects of job design improve employee motivation and lead to improved employee performance. Answering the following questions will help to research into my topic as well as either prove or disprove the hypothesis I have put forward. These are the following: What is job design? What is the difference between Mechanistic and Motivational approaches in job design? Are motivation and job performance inter-related? What are the factors of Motivational approach that improve employee motivation? What is the role of IT in job design? Such a study aims offer insight into the changes going around and a basis for managers for reflecting on how best reorganise work to improve performance. Preliminary literature review There is a wealth of literature covering the topic of my research hypothesis. My study of the literature will start with the key question of what job design is and how it impacts employee performance. I will then compare two different approaches, mechanistic approach and motivational approach in job design and assess the role of IT in this context. Jobs are created by people for people. Whether deliberately or by default, choices are made about which tasks to group together to form a job, the extent to which job holders should follow prescribed procedures in completing those tasks, how closely the job incumbent will be supervised, and numerous other aspects of the work. Such choices are the essence of job design, which may thus be defined as the specification of the content and methods of jobs (Wall and Clegg, 1998:265-268). Background to job design Mechanistic approach The concept of job design was first used in the late nineteenth century when industrialists such as Taylor or Ford first introduced a scientific approach in management practices (CIPD, online). Their approach consisted of defining clear job roles, suggesting that workers required specific tasks and boundaries to enable organisation to become more productive, effective and efficient. The principle of this approach is that a job is broken down into small and simple tasks that can be easily learned and performed. It is assumed that it makes the production more efficient (Business Dictionary, online). It aims to achieve maximum job fragmentation to minimise skills requirement and job learning time. Taylor (1914) was one of the first to develop the idea of time and motion studies to identify the most efficient movements during a work task. Workers were selected and trained to perform their jobs using Taylors approach and were offered monetary incentive to ensure that they performed to the ir maximum efficiency. Bloisi (2007) argues that the problem with this approach to job design is that it is too preoccupied with the productivity and ignores the workers social needs. According to Pickard (2006, in CIPD), in the 1960s, the focus shifted from hard, process-oriented approach to job design emphasizing social behavioural perspective of employees. While scientific management aimed on achieving organisational effectiveness through task fragmentation, during the middle part of the twentieth century, there was recognition that motivation would influence organisational performance. The work of Maslow and McGregor advocated that job design could be heavily influenced by understanding and responding to the motivations of individuals. However, it was Herzbergs two-factor theory of motivation and the concept of job enrichment that was to shape the development of job design during the second half of the last century (Marchington and Wilkinson, 2002). Motivational approach This new approach, called human relations approach (Bloisi, 2007) stems from the assumption that jobs can be designed to stimulate employee motivation and increase job satisfaction. Herzberg (1993, in Bloisi, 2007) asked two questions: What makes you feel good about your work? and What makes you feel bad? From the answers received, Herzberg concluded that the job satisfaction was one of the key elements of motivational job design. In his two-factor theory he identified hygiene factors and motivator factors. Hygiene factors are referred to practices at work that would cause dissatisfaction, but if corrected would not motivate (i.e. salary, organisations policies, administration and supervision). For example, if an employee were given a laptop computer to do his job, it may stop him to be unhappy because of the lack of the IT, but he would not be motivated to work harder. On the other hand, motivator factors, such as achievement, advancement, growth, recognition, responsibility and wor k itself, tend to create satisfaction and positive attitude and discretionary effort of employees (Robinson, 2006). The impact of job design on employee performance From the studies of motivator factors, different job design models were developed, such as Hackman and Oldhams (1980, in Bloisi, 2007). They developed a job characteristics model that identified the motivational factors of a job from the following aspects: Skills variety the variety of skills needed to complete the task. Task identity how much of the complete product or service is completed by the worker; how much they feel they have ownership of the task. Task significance how important is the task to the lives of others. Autonomy how much of decision-making role the person has while doing a job. Feedback how much feedback an employee is given about their job performance. The Figure 1 below shows how job characteristics described above impact on critical psychological states of employees, therefore improving their job satisfaction and performance. Core job Critical psychological Outcomes characteristics states Skill variety Job identity Job significance Job autonomy Feedback from job Meaningfulness of work Responsibility for work outcomes Knowing the actual results of the work activities Less absenteeism Less turnover High satisfaction High motivation High quality work performance Figure 1. Job characteristics model. Source: Adopted from Hackman and Oldham (1980: 77). It can be seen from the diagram above that when the critical psychological states are high, then employees will have a high level of internal work motivation. This leads to a greater productivity and helps create competitive advantage through people. During the 1990s an increased emphasis on employee empowerment led to high discretion models characterised by individual job enrichment and self-managing teamwork (Huczynski and Buchanan 2001, in CIPD online). Herzberg (Accel, online) suggested the following for the job enrichment: Lessen the control and retain accountability at the same time; Increase personal accountability for work; Grant additional autonomy and authority to employees; Make company reports available to all employees and not only to managers; Introduce new and more challenging tasks into the job; Encourage the enrichment of skills and expertise by assigning employees to specialized tasks. This approach aims to involve employees in decision-making processes, planning, organisation and control of work. An example of this can be through self-managed teams, where workers are given a goal to achieve but it is their teams that decide how tasks are allocated to achieve their goal. Job rotation can also be used as part of the motivational approach; here, employees are moved from one job to another over time (Bloisi, 2007). When job rotation is used, most of the jobs tend to be similar. However, it can increase skills variety and help boost job identity. The Figure 2 illustrates how job redesign can improve work and make it more meaningful. After the redesign of the cashiers jobs, their new jobs were found to be more motivating and as a result their job performance increased significantly. Before job redesign After job redesign Cashiers cashed cheques, processed deposits and payments for bills Business customers were referred to a business advisers Foreign currency transaction were referred to another cashier Auditors ensured transactions balanced Errors were notified to cashiers No feedback on workload No records were kept on who did the transactions Cashiers handled all aspects of the transaction for both business customers and foreign currency Feedback on errors available immediately Feedback on volume displayed on a computer screen Cashiers signed their names to each transaction so they were recognised as taking responsibility for their work Figure 2. How job redesign can make work more efficient and meaningful. Source: Bloisi (2007: 84). Research has shown that if work is seen as meaningful and important to the individual then they are likely to be more committed to the organisation and more productive. The role of IT in job design Developments in technology and increased use of the Internet open a new perspective in organisation and job design. Many employers are developing flexible working patterns using latest technological advances. There are great advantages as well as drawbacks to it. Here are some examples of how employer and employees can benefit of IT: Employees are encouraged to work more flexibly: it means they can work from home. Employees can save money and time on travelling to work. Although employees are physically absent at work, employers can always contact them either by mobile phone or email. Apart from that, organisations safe a huge amount of money on property costs, when some of the workforce is based at home. Disadvantages of using developed communication technologies at work: Employees are no longer able to switch off from work: they work outside their habitual nine-to five hours. It can lead to increased employee stress and dissatisfaction, which ultimately leads to less productive work. Despite these obvious disadvantages, the benefits of the use of the communication technology are major. As stated in Bloisi (2007), British Telecom encourages staff to work more flexibly. Following a workstyle analysis it now has 7500 of its workforce formally based at home and another 40,000 have remote access. Not only has it saved  £180 million in property costs, but also improved productivity by 20-40 per cent. The example above illustrates how flexible working in job design can act as a significant motivator contributing to employee well-being and improved productivity. Methodology Approach to my research scope The scope of my research is to explore the impact of job design on employee motivation and improved performance as its result. This is reflected in my research topic and hypothesis. This topic is of my own interest. Basically the research consists of the following three sequential parts: Job design Æ’Â   Employee motivation Æ’Â   Improved performance My research objectives and questions are designed in a way so that they first explore what job design is; secondly, how it can motivate people (Herzberg theory above); thirdly, I studied the model of Hackman and Oldham about the impact of employee motivation on the quality of their task performance (please see above). Research methodology Definition: Pattron (2009, online) defined research methodology as a highly intellectual human activity used in the investigation of nature and matter and deals specifically with the manner in which data is collected, analysed and interpreted. Secondary data collection method I have conducted a preliminary literature review to investigate what other authors write about my research topic. All findings in my literature review are meant to serve as a base for comparison with the results of primary data collection. The comparison between the two will help to either prove or disprove my research hypothesis. Theory Hypothesis Primary Research Conclusions The approach I have adopted for my research is deductive and can be represented in the diagram as follows: Figure 3. Deductive Research Approach. Primary data collection method Written questionnaire is the method I have chosen to collect the data. The type of my questionnaire is the Likert Scale (PHS, online) where I have given a scale to indicate the strength of agreement to statements (please see a sample of my questionnaire in the Appendix 2 below). The advantage of this type of questionnaire is that it is easier and faster for the recipient to complete and also allows direct comparability to answers as well as to assess the feelings of the respondents towards issues. This method ascribes quantitative value to qualitative data, makes it amendable to statistical analysis. A numerical value is assigned to each potential choice and the final average score represents overall level of accomplishment or attitude toward the subject matter. This questionnaire is targeted on sample population. Sample population is a number of homogenous respondents who share important characteristics e.g. all employed and working in a relatively big companies, rather than self-employed or working in small private businesses. It is essential to make the data comparable as well as to make conclusions meaningful (PHS, online). Accordingly, I distributed my questionnaires to a number of people working in different organisations but which had one same characteristic employed and working in medium size businesses. Approach to analysis and interpretation of data The theories in the literature review above (Hackman and Oldhams Job Characteristics model) have confirmed my research hypothesis which states that there is a link between job design, employee motivation and improved performance. In order to test this theory, I designed my primary data collection (questionnaire: questions 1 to 15) so that it fits the following formula: Motivating Potential Score MPS = Skill Variety + Task Identity + Task Significance x Autonomy x Feedback 3 Source: Hackman Oldham, 1980:90 in Bloisi, 2007. This formula is a summary of Hackman and Oldhams Job Characteristics model. It measures the overall potential of a job, or Job Satisfaction. It is calculated by taking the average of Skill variety plus Task identity plus Task significance and then multiplying that Average by Autonomy and Feedback. The outcome of jobs with high MPS will be high quality work performance and high worker satisfaction (Hackman Oldham in Bloisi, 2007). I created additional 12 questions, 16 to 27, to identify strong feeling of employee engagement. Results from this part of the questionnaire would show a strong correlation between high scores and superior job performance. All answers are accumulated and represented in the table in the Appendix 1 below. For each of the agree answers 1 point, and for each of disagrees 0 point is ascribed. The averages are calculated as well as MPSs for individual questionnaires. Conclusions The objective if this research was to investigate into the impact of job design on employee motivation and performance. The results of the primary data should either prove or disprove the statement made in the research hypothesis. The research was based on 5 dimensions that according to Hackman and Oldham (1980) would help to analyse how jobs were designed. The highest score for the Variable 1 (average 1.93) showed that the majority of the respondents agreed to a certain degree with the statement that their jobs require the variety of skills and abilities. Whereas Task significance and Autonomy had the lowest scores (Appendix 1). MPS has revealed which of these dimensions, that impact total Motivating Potential of a job, can be redesigned so that employees feel more motivated. Additional questions on job performance (16 to 27 and referred as Variable 6 in the Appendix 1), showed the result for the quality of job performance (average score 7.8 out of 12 questions). The research has revealed that job performance score is far greater at those jobs which had higher scores for Task variety, Task significance and Feedback. Therefore, we can conclude that if a job is well designed, people feel more satisfied and motivated which results in improved performance. Thus, our research hypothesis has proven to be true. Timescale Key tasks with milestones plotted along a time line

Academic Qualification!

Since a very early age we all have been told to give our academics a lot of importance because our academics are what will ensure you succeed in life. We all can remeber our parents yelling at us for a bad grade in school and made sure we perform better next time. In truth success is an arbitary term(very subjective) and differs from person to person and field to field. One could take as the economic success as the touchstone to which a person is labelled successful in life overlooking his/her other failure such as health, divorce and inefficiency, etc.To others overcoming obstacle and challenges irrespective of what someone earns and the nature of the personal life proves thier success. So who is a successful person and who is a failure? Do school and college grades provide a way to ensure success? Isn't it true that drop-outs like Bill Gates and Richard Branson have become the most successful and inspirational icons today? And should we consider the millions of un -educated people in the world to be failures in life? There are various points to show otherwise that academic qualification does not ensure success.Sure academic qualification is necessary but that would get you only so far, beyond that point various other factors play and important role. Success isn't about getting grades and degrees, if that was true then why aren't all the graduates from Havard, Oxford and Cambridge uniformly successful? The rule of success lies in hard work and well a little bit of luck(destiny). If an engineering student gets good grades and gets a job but is not practically effective and not good at problem-solving effectively he wont get very far and will soon fade out. Unfortunately the world has changed the concept of success.It has become a rat-race where every student chases grades and therefore the entire perception of success and prosperity had changed. Rather than studying to reach our full potential, we study because we think its necessary for a successful career. We spend ten-years in school and a few more at college to educate ourself and then a couple of years looking and hunting for jobs and even after finding it people tend to be un-satisfied and at the wrong profession.And then at times of crisis such as recession when wealth is scares due to the not-so-responsible decisions of CEOs people are worried about their job and he perception of success changes, if you are able to stay away from the pink-slip(or keep your job) you are successful. To conclude i would like to say that academic qualifications are necessary but not to the level most people make it out to be. Academic qualification ensure a more rounded experience to meet people from different backgrounds and cultures, skills necessary to be successful . Hard work, determination, resiliance and your destiny ofcousre play an equally important role in ensuring ‘SUCCESS'.

Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism

Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism John Hoberman University of Texas at Austin â€Å"Well, all right then, let’s talk about the Chairman of the World. The world gets into a lot of trouble because it has no chairman. I would like to be Chairman of the World myself. † —E. B. White, Stuart Little (1945) â€Å"But when it comes to our age, we must have an automatic theocracy to rule the world. † —Sun Myung Moon (1973) Back in 1967, Dr.Wildor Hollmann, one of Germany’s most prominent sports physicians and longtime president of the International Federation for Sports Medicine (FIMS), was visiting the International Olympic Academy at Olympia on the day of its annual inauguration, with King Constantine himself in attendance. Naively assuming that the Academy was an open forum for thinking about the past, present, and future of the Olympic movement, Dr. Hollmann expressed the view that, i n the not-too-distant future. he â€Å"Olympic idea† itself would inevitably fall victim to the logic of development inherent in the professionalization and commercialization of elite sport. The words were hardly out of his mouth before Dr. Hollmann was engulfed in a storm of indignation, during which an Italian member of the IOC declared that merely expressing such thoughts was in his view nothing less than a desecration of this holy site. 1 Olympic historiography has long been inseparable from the Movement’s status as a redemptive and inspirational internationalism.Like so many readings of its founder, Pierre de Coubertin (1863-1937), historical interpretations of the Olympic movement have generally taken the form of â€Å"either hagiographies or hagiolatries,† and not least because the founder himself â€Å"proclaimed Olympism beyond ideology. †2 Historical treatments of the Movement since the launching of that provocative claim have thus had no 1. W[i ldor] Hollmann, â€Å"Risikofaktoren in der Entwicklung des Hochleistungssports. â€Å" in H. Rieckert, ed. Sportmedizin—Kursbestimmung [Deutscher Sportarztekongre?Kiel. l6. -19. Oktober 1986] (Berlin: SpringerVerlag, 1987): 18. 2. John J. MacAloon, This Great Symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the Origins of the Modern Olympic Games (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981): 2, 6. 1 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) choice but to embrace or call into question the transcendent status of Olympic sport that is symbolized so powerfully by opening and closing ceremonies that tap into deep and unfulfilled wishes for a Golden Age of harmony and peace.Due at least in part to the impassioned and seemingly endless debate between the defenders and detractors of â€Å"Olympism,† with its pronounced emphasis on ethical values at the expense of historical factors, serious study of the Olympic movement has stagnated. Recent monographs have presented familiar e vents and issues without much in the way of new research or methodological innovation. 3 While the periodical literature of the past decade or so, including voluminous conference proceedings, has offered a wider range of perspectives, the conceptual landscape inhabited by the historian has not really changed in significant ways.This closed circulatory system of topics and problems has rigidified the important debate over values by limiting our understanding of the object of contention—the Olympic movement itself. The arguments between supporters and critics of the Movement that tend to dominate discussion naturally proceed from the assumption that both actually know what the Movement is or, at least, what it is worth to the international community. Yet the sheer complexity of the Olympic phenomenon suggests there is much more to know even without entering the domain of ethnographical research.I would propose that the production of this knowledge depends on reconceptualizing t he Olympic movement in fundamental ways. This essay proposes a theory of Olympic internationalism based on a comparative method. Indeed, the fact that no comparative study of this kind has ever been published suggests that the iconic status of the Movement has had a profoundly limiting effect on Olympic historiography as a whole and thus on the debate regarding values. as well. For by exaggerating the uniqueness of the Movement, Olympic historians have conferred on it a degree of splendid (or, alternatively, discreditable) isolation that is contradicted by the historical evidence. An important consequence of this overly narrow 3. See. for example. Allen Guttmann. The Olympics: A History of the Modern Games (Urbana and Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1992); and â€Å"The Olympic Games,† in Games & Empires: Modern Sports and Cultural Imperialism (New York: Columbia University Press. 1994): 120-138. The former offers a good survey of Olympic history.The latter discusses t he Olympic movement in the larger context of sport and cultural diffusion. See also Christopher Hill, Olympic Politics (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1992), which pays special attention to Olympic finance and the bidding process. For a highly personal and admiring treatment of the modern Olympic movement, see John Lucas, Future of the Olympic Games (Champaign, IL, Human Kinetics Books, 1992). 4. To this observation I must append an additional (and ironic) one. Even as I argue that the failure of Olympic historiography to embark upon comparative studies has isolated the movement.I must point out simultaneously that historical treatments of other international movements have isolated them in exactly the same way. In a word, nothing resembling a comprehensive theory of these international movements exists, perhaps in part because there are so many of them and they are so heterogeneous. For example, Samuel P. Huntington’s treatment of â€Å"Transnational Organizations in World Politics† (1973) includes none of the organizations discussed in the present essay and lists an â€Å"idealistic† organization like the Catholic church along with profit-oriented corporations and a pair of important Cold War institutions.His list reads as follows: Anaconda, Intelsat, Chase Manhattan, the Agency for International Development, the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency, Air France, the Strategic Air Command, Unilever, the Ford Foundation, the Catholic Church, the CIA, and the World Bank. The purpose of his essay is to analyze what he calls â€Å"a transnational organizational revolution in world politics. † See â€Å"Transnational Organizations in World Politics,† World Politics 25 (1973): 333-368. Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism interpretation has been to exacerbate and confuse the debate about values by crowning (or afflicting) the Movement with an exaggerated picture of its uniqueness as a vessel of recon ciliation (or harm). The evidence presented below suggests that a comparison of the Olympic movement with contemporary and analogous international movements reveals a core repertory of behaviors and orientations that are common to them all.The comparative procedure presented here divides the history of these â€Å"idealistic internationalisms† into three periods that are roughly separated by the First and Second World Wars, respectively. The establishment of the Olympic movement in 1894 coincided with the sharply accelerated formation of a broad range of international organizations during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Between 1855 and 1914, their overall numbers increased from a mere handful to around 200, and the numbers have grown exponentially since the turn-of-the-century period. The comparative study of international organizations and the â€Å"movements† they launch remains underdeveloped to a striking degree, and this is so even in the case of impo rtant types of international activity. Thus, while Olympic historiography is rather well established, one historian has referred to the world of international science as a â€Å"largely unexplored domain. † On a broader scale, as another historian recently noted, â€Å"the construction of internationalism has merited scarcely a glance. †6 Accounting for such lacunae in the writing of history is in itself an interesting, and often difficult. istoriographical problem. It may be less difficult, however, in the case of movements that have created both core groups of loyal adherents and benevolent self-images that in some cases have exercised a virtually global reach for most of a century. The Olympic (1894), Scouting (1908), and Esperanto (1887) movements, for example, have all benefitted from benign myths of origin rooted in reverential attitudes toward the personal qualities of their respective founding fathers and the salvational doctrines they created.One result of suc h cults of personality is a â€Å"halo effect† that can confer on such movements a degree of immunity to critical examination. As one of the few serious historians of Scouting has pointed out: â€Å"Scouting has for so long been a familiar and well-loved part of the Western world that it appears always to have been with us, less a man-made creation than a natural, indigenous activity of our civilization. † The consequences of according such iconic status to culturally constructed institutions have been profound. In the case of Scouting, â€Å"it is startling that so few have seriously considered what it all meant.Such immunity from critical scrutiny has left Scouting almost entirely in the 5. Elizabeth Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science, 1880-1939,† in Tore Frangsmyr, ed. Solomon's House Revisited: The Organization and Institutionalization of Science (Canton, MA; Science History Publications, U. S. A. , 1990): 259-260. For evidence for the pr oliferation of international organizations during the twentieth century, see the Yearbook of International Organizations (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1974). 6. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 265; Leila J.Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism; The Case of Transnational Women's organizations, 1888-1945,† American Historical Review (December 1994): 1571. 3 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) hands of its own historians and publicists, a situation that is not helpful in trying to understand the origins and meaning of any movement. †7 These words are precisely descriptive of the Olympic movement, as well, the only difference being that Olympic historiography has developed (over the past 25 years) a degree of autonomy the history of Scouting has not.This autonomous branch of Olympic historiography is necessarily based on scholarly or investigative activity that produces interpretations of the Olympic mo vement that do not always coincide with those of the IOC and its adherents in the press and in academia. And it is here that analyzing the Movement will often be interpreted as â€Å"criticism. † Today, a generation after Wildor Hollmann’s heretical (and prophetic) remark about the future of Olympic sport, criticism of the International Olympic Committee is still capable of offending the dignity of its most powerful members.The landmark event in this regard was the publication in 1992 of The Lords of the Rings, an expose of the IOC’s inner circle by the investigative journalists Vyvian Simson and Andrew Jennings. Translated into 13 languages, the book became a global media event that traumatized the IOC leadership and, in particular, its President, Juan Antonio Samaranch, who stood accused of political opportunism and fascist allegiances both during the Franc period and after the Generalissimo’s death in 1975. The publication of Jaume Boix and Arcadio Esp ada’s book El deporte del poder.Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch, containing essentially the same material on Samaranch’s political background, had gone virtually unnoticed by the world press only a year earlier. 8 The reaction from IOC headquarters to the atmosphere of scandal created by The Lords of the Rings deserves a study in itself. On 17 February 1994 the IOC and President Samaranch filed a criminal action in a Lausanne court against the authors but not against their more powerful major publishers (Simon & Schuster, Bertelsman, Flammarion). The indictment (Investigation No. : CH. 32. 92) charged libel under article 174 and defamation under article 173 of the Swiss Penal Code. The tone of the document can be conveyed by quoting from its text: â€Å"The plaintiff, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) is an international nongovernmental organization, constituted as a nonlucrative association. It has the status of a person . . . . The work of the accus ed constitutes a lampoon directed against the plaintiffs, against the management of the IOC and its officials and against the behaviour of the former and of some of their co-contracting parties.To a large extent, the formulated criticisms constitute a blow to the honour of the IOC, its president and its 7. Michael Rosenthal. The Character Factory: Baden-Powell’s Boy Scouts and the Imperatives of Empire (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986): 1, 12. 8. Vyv Simson and Andrew Jennings, The Lords of the Rings: Power, Money and Drugs in the Modern Olympics (London: Simon & Schuster, 1992); Jaime Boix and Arcadio Espada, El deporte de poder. Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch [The Sport of Power. The Life and Miracle of Juan Antonio Samaranch] (= Hombres de hoy, Vol 30) (Madrid: Ediciones temas de hoy, 1991).For a very useful summary of this (still untranslated) volume see the review by Arnd Kruger in The International Journal of Sports History 10 (August 1993): 291-293. The author of this essay wishes to point out that he has not read El deporte del poder. 4 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism members . . . The IOC is described as a secret and clandestine organization. similar to the mafia . . . The IOC, its president and its members are depicted as depraved and disgusting persons. † In December 1994. fter hearing testimony from President Samaranch himself, the court sentenced the authors in absentia to a five-day suspended jail sentence and the payment of $2,000 in court costs (which remains unpaid). The explicit reference in the indictment to violated â€Å"honour,† and the failure of article 173 to provide for any assessment of the truth or falsity of the alleged â€Å"defamation,† are a poignant reminder of the nineteenth-century origins of the IOC and the role that aristocratic ideas about honor have played in shaping the value system and political behavior of the Olympic movement (see below). The furor created by this undocu mented work of investigative journalism raised interesting questions for Olympic research. and the most important of these topics may well be the relationship between sports journalism and sports scholarship. 10 As Arnd Kruger points out in his review of El deporte del poder: â€Å"Good investigative reporting often beats much of what historians can offer in terms of graphic information and anecdotal material not so readily available in archival research. To this I would add that, in addition to useful anecdotal embellishments, these journalistic treatments of the political career of IOC president Samaranch offer the historian an opportunity to expand the framework for doing Olympic history in the direction of the comparative method described above. Indeed, Kruger himself points to the larger importance of such journalism: â€Å"This book ends many myths about the IOC and its current president† by excavating his political past and raising questions about how a person’ s political formation may affect his conduct as 9.The carelessness (or dishonesty) with which the IOC drew up the indictment is evident in one instance in particular. Its list of alleged inaccuracies committed by the authors falsely accuses them of making an unflattering remark about the IOC that is clearly attributed in The Lords of the Rings (p. 211) to William Simon, former president of the United States Olympic Committee, former Secretary of the Treasury, and on account of his prominence, an unlikely target of IOC retaliation.The author of this essay wishes to point out that in November 1994 he sent a letter to the judge trying this care in Lausanne defending the authors’ right to publish The Lords of the Rings. 10. John J. MacAloon has written disapprovingly of what he regards as the degeneration of sports scholarship into a genre resembling sports journalism. He refers, for example, to â€Å"the uncomfortable interpretive alikeness—at least in the U. K. , where socialist analysis is one sort of cultural common sense—of much sports journalism and popular commentary on the one side, and sports sociology, stripped of its academic apparatus and pretenses, on the other. See â€Å"The Ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research. † Sociology of Sport Journal, 9 (1992): 110. Or, â€Å"Treated like Journalists, sport scholars are tempted to act like them. † See â€Å"The Turn of Two Centuries: Sport and the Politics of Intercultural Relations,† in Fernand Landry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles, eds. Sport . . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the lnternational Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, May 21-25, 1990] (Sante-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval. 1991): 36.MacAloon‘s second point, regarding the likely consequences of the IOC’s unwillingness to share more information with Olympic researchers. is particularly insightful. He offers this remark in the context of arguing that sp orts leaders should not â€Å"deny themselves the professional expertise of scholars. † By contrast. the author of this essay regards the secretiveness of the IOC as essential to its operations as an â€Å"offshore† international body sheltering important individuals whose various operations would not stand up to press scrutiny.I would also point out that in neither of his essays does MacAloon criticize the many journalists who function as de facto publicists for the IOC. At a Colloquy on Olympic issues held in Lausanne in April 1994. IOC Director General Francois Carrard expressed the view that there are â€Å"some ten to fifteen† journalists in the world who actually understand Olympic issues. See â€Å"Proceedings of the Colloquy on the Themes of the Olympic Centennial Congress Held in the Olympic Museum, Ouchy, Lausanne on 8th, 9th and 10th April 1994† (unpublished document). Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) the leader of a power ful international organization that is to be counted among those â€Å"transnational forms, none of them transcendent, innocent, or neutral in political history,†11 which include the IOC. My point here is that the more we know about the formative history of an Olympic politician, the better the chances of finding comparable figures and patterns of behavior in other international organizations.In this sense, a book like The Lords of the Rings, while unsuitable as scholarly source material, has already served Olympic historiography by drawing attention to a triad of interrelated and neglected topics: first, the sheer autonomy and freedom from surveillance enjoyed by many high-ranking international functionaries inside and outside the IOC; second, how the upper echelons of international organizations provide political and financial opportunity and sanctuary to significant numbers of people who have compromised themselves in various ways back in their national communities; and th ird, the long history of extreme right-wing personalities and attitudes within the IOC. As Simson and Jennings put it: â€Å"The Samaranch who went to the IOC in 1966 would have found himself at ease among the many other members from authoritarian or undemocratic backgrounds. †12 One purpose of this essay is to account for this continuity between the IOC of the fascist period in Europe and the comparable elites to be found at the top of international sports federations today. This ideological continuity is not simply a result of the procedures by which the IOC or any of the other federations choose their members.On the contrary, the selfperpetuating process which renews the membership of the IOC has been made even more efficient by the way it and comparable organizations have served as â€Å"offshore† enterprise zones for right-wing personalities and various amoral opportunists since the political collapse of fascism in 1945. 1. The Early Internationalist Period Any st udy of the â€Å"idealistic† international movements of the fin de siecle period must acknowledge their diverse characteristics as well as demonstrate the values and behaviors that make them cohere as a distinct category of thematically interrelated organizations that sometimes attracted overlapping clienteles.Their homogeneity and heterogeneity as a class of social phenomena become yet clearer if we expand the scope of our survey beyond the four primary movements to be examined here, namely, the Red Cross (1863), the Esperanto movement (1887), the Olympic movement (1894). and the Scouting movement (1908). It is of fundamental importance, for example, that all of these movements were ideologically distinct from Marxist internationalism. Indeed, this is one way to account for the fact that all of them eventually accommodated the Nazis in various ways. The First International (or International Working Men’s Association) was founded by Marx in 1864, outlawed in France and Germany, and effectively dissolved in 1872. Despite its 11. MacAloon, â€Å"The Ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research,† 126. 12. Simson and Jennings, The Lords of the Rings, 111. 6Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism political insignificance, as James Joll notes, â€Å"it had awakened all Europe to the possibilities of international working class action . . . . And so, on the eve of its extinction, the International was endowed with a legendary power it had lacked in its lifetime, and acquired a largely spurious tradition of heroic international revolutionary action. † The Second International (1889-l914), which collapsed when the European proletariat deserted international solidarity for national chauvinism and military service at the outbreak of the Great War, actually employed some of the ideas and rhetorical devices characteristic of the â€Å"bourgeois† internationalisms of the epoch.That these superficial resemblances were outweig hed by the ideological barrier is evident in the fact that its ideological descendants would eventually stage an impressive series of Workers Olympiads (1921-1937) that the Socialist Workers Sports International claimed were more genuinely international than the â€Å"bourgeois† Olympic Games. The internationalism of the late nineteenth century could also take the form of an artistic cosmopolitanism. Like the Olympic movement, Wagnerism was an international movement originating in an established cultural medium (music) that developed both a distinctive ideology, composed of a cultural critique and a program for cultural renewal, and an international clientele. The golden age of Wagnerian internationalism commenced in 1872, when the master moved to Bayreuth, and ended with his death in 1883. Olympism and Wagnerism both served up ersatz religious experiences to people disillusioned with European â€Å"progress† and positivist thinking. There was a pervasive need for an e motional piety that was less vulnerable than orthodox religious observance to the dessicating effects of change, scientific progress. and higher biblical criticism. †13 During the last decades of the nineteenth century there appeared a variety of internationalisms that could satisfy such needs. and the Wagner cult that spread west to America and east to Russia was one of them. To be sure, Wagnerism was German in a way the Olympic movement could not be, although the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, judged as an aesthetic production, was a great triumph of the Olympic â€Å"Germanizers† that put its permanent mark on Olympic ritual. 4 Yet even the Germanness of Wagnerism took the form of a universalistic doctrine that anticipated the Olympic movement and its redemptive mission across national boundaries. For in identifying the Germans as the most â€Å"universal† of peoples, Wagner was proclaiming Germany’s mission to the world. This sort of ethnocentric cosmopolitanis m, as we shall see in the next section of this essay, eventually served as a transitional Weltanschauung to expedite the process by which Germany overcame the xenophobic inhibitions deriving from its own cultural insecurities and appropriated Olympic internationalism on German terms. 13. David C. Large and William Weber, â€Å"Introduction†; David C. Large, â€Å"Wagner's Bayreuth Disciples,† in David C.Large and William Weber, eds. Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1984): 18. 14. Thomas Alkemeyer, â€Å"Gewalt und Opfer im Ritual der Olympischen Spiele 1936,† in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Korper und Einbildungskraft: Inszenierungen des Helden im Sport (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1988): 44-79. 7 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Wagner’s foreign admirers were thus able to enjoy his musical productions as supranational experiences. In addition, as Gerald D. Turbow has pointed out, th e Wagner devotee was participating in the general internationalist ferment of the epoch whether he knew it or not.Thus one French enthusiast, â€Å"writing shortly after the Geneva Treaty on War [1864], the establishment of the Red Cross [1863], and the organization of the First International [1864], found the principle of world unity and peace in Wagner’s operas. In characteristic utopian terms he maintained that just as Wagner had eliminated the barriers that existed between set numbers in the formal operas and just as the old boundaries between cities were vanishing, so now would they disappear between countries as well. †15 It is even more interesting to learn that Coubertin experienced his own Wagnerian epiphany. In his Olympic Memoirs (193l), Coubertin reports that a visit to Bayreuth, and the â€Å"passionate strains† of Wagner’s music, assisted him in seeing the â€Å"Olympic horizons† before his mind’s eye. 6 The existence of a Wagn erian internationalism demonstrates that certain internationalist projects of this period were not negations of nationalism but rather cultural projections of nationalist impulses employing cosmopolitan vocabularies rooted in ethnocentric ideas of national grandeur. 17 A variety of internationalist initiatives, including the Olympic movement, both included and disguised nationalist and even cultic themes which could be presented as cosmopolitan projects within the European context. Rooted in racialistic European mythologies, such idealistic cosmopolitanisms did not anticipate, to take only one example, the multiracial agenda of the modern Olympic movement.Olympism, Wagnerism, and the Salzburg [music] Festival (1920-) are three such cosmopolitanisms rooted in cultic reappropriations of the European past. Their respective ideological sources are the myth of ancient Hellas, Germanic mythology, and a myth of Austria’s baroque cultural heritage, and there is evidence which suggest s they once constituted a single festival metagenre in the minds of some observers. Thus, in 1918, an Austrian cultural critic wrote that the Salzburg Festival was the first â€Å"total aesthetic realization (Durchbildung) of the festival character† since the revival of the 15. Gerald D. Turbow, â€Å"Art and Politics: Wagnerism in France,† in Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics, 153. 16.Pierre de Coubertin, Memoires olympiques (Lausanne: Bureau international de pedagogie sportive, 1931): 64. It is also interesting to note that Jules Ferry, an early prime minister of the French Third Republic, was both a supporter of Coubertin and an admirer of Wagner. See Turbow, â€Å"AR and Politics: Wagnerism in France,† 143, 146. 17. Cosmopolitanism and internationalism have been (properly) defined as different ideals. Marcel Mauss, writing in 1919-1920, regarded these terms as opposed ideas. â€Å"Internationalism worthy of the name is the opposite of cosmopolitani sm. It does not deny the nation, it situates it. Internation is the opposite of a-nation.Thus it is also the opposite of nationalism, which isolates the nation. † Mauss defines cosmopolitanism as a doctrine which tends toward â€Å"the destruction of nations, to the creation of a moral order (morale) in which they would no longer be the sovereign authorities, creators of the law, nor the supreme ends worthy of future sacrifices to a superior cause, named humanity itself. † Mauss derides this ideal as â€Å"an etheral theory of the monadic human being who is everywhere identical. † See Marcel Mauss, â€Å"Nation, national, internationalisme,† in Oeuvres, 3 (Paris: Editions de minuit, 1969). 8 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Olympic Games. 8 What is more, historians of both Wagnerism and the Salzburg Festival have shown how these cultural productions—in effect, nationalistic cults—were successfully marketed to international audience s. â€Å"The tact and success of the pan-European Salzburg propaganda came from the fact that this nationalist program could be expressed as a cosmopolitan ideal that in turn would seem like pure internationalism to the English and the French. †19 The Olympic movement, too, has derived much of its international prestige from precisely this sort of transformation, whereby an essentially national ambition has been perceived as Enlightenment cosmopolitanism. In all three case—Olympism, Wagnerism, and Salzburg—the â€Å"European idea† proved to be a politically viable packaging for nationalistic content.As we will see in the next section, both German â€Å"universalism† and the â€Å"European idea† served to reconcile the ideological needs of European rightwingers to the requirements of Olympic internationalism. 20 Certain international movements of this period can be seen as gendered. embodying a kind of male or a female solidarity and an ideol ogy to express this gendered orientation. The Olympic and Scouting movements began as internationalisms that promulgated related conceptions of the ideal male. an orientation that had political consequences during the fascist period (see below). Even though both eventually absorbed female participants, gender integration occurred in a male-dominated context that ascribed limited capacities to female participants.A countervailing example of gender-segregated internationalism was the organizing of women on a transnational basis, which began in 1888 with the founding of the International Council of Women in Washington. D. C. â€Å"Both by assuming fundamental gender differences and by advocating separatist organizing, women in transnational organizations drew boundaries that separated men from women. †21 This autonomous policy of segregation makes female internationalism especially interesting to the comparativist as a â€Å"control group† internationalism vis-a-vis other groups precisely because its leaders claimed to be building upon a distinct and more pacific type of human nature than that possessed by their male counterparts.In retrospect, however, the comparison between â€Å"male† and â€Å"female† international organizations is interesting precisely because it reveals more similarities than differences, confirming my operating thesis that there is a core repertory of behaviors and attitudes that characterize the important groups that appear during this extraordinary period of internationalist ferment. This repertory includes a rhetoric of universal membership, a 18. Michael P. Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theater and Ideology, 18901938 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1990): 60. 19. Large, â€Å"Wagner’s Bayreuth Disciples,95: Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival, 69. The festival program revealed on every level a convergence of explicitly cosmopolitan and pan-Europ ean ideals with a Bavarian-Austrian—that is, a baroque-nationalism. † See Steinberg, 23. 20. I have adapted this paragraph from John M. Hoberman, â€Å"Olympic Universalism and the Apartheid Issue. † in Fernand Landry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles eds. Sport. . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the International Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, May 21-25, 1990] (Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval, 1991): 531. 21. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism,† 1582. 9 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Eurocentric orientation that limits universal participation, an insistence on political neutrality, the empowering role of wealth, social prominence and aristocratic affiliations. professed interest in peacemaking or pacifism, a complex and problematic relationship between national and international loyalties, the emergence of a (marginalized) â€Å"citizen-of-the-world†-style radical supranationalism, and th e use of visual symbols such as flags and anthems. One might also say that all of these movements offered to their members a philosophy of creative international action amounting to a way of life for those possessing the necessary dedication and financial independence to pursue it. The Feminist International appears to have differed from its male counterparts in not producing a conspicuous hagiographical tradition honoring its â€Å"founding mothers. More importantly, an exclusively female membership and its doctrine of biogendered pacifism (â€Å"All wars are men’s wars†) precluded their adopting (as the Olympic and Scouting movements did) the ideology of chivalry as the basis for establishing an idealized transnational identity. As we will see in the next section, the establishment of a transnational male identity based upon â€Å"chivalric† ideals played an important role in shaping relations between the â€Å"male† internationalisms and Nazi Germany. In addition to sharing a set of core behaviors and attitudes, the idealistic internationalisms were bound together by personal ties between groups and by individuals with ties to more than one group.For example, Dietrich Quanz has demonstrated Coubertin’s close ties to the European peace movement of the fin de siecle and the prewar Nobel Peace Prize Laureates (1901-1913): â€Å"Coubertin must have noticed this model for international private oganizations. He had had contact with almost half of the Nobel Peace Prize winners, some of whom were his friends. He listed five of them as honorary members of the Founding Congress of the IOC in 1894. † 22 Among Coubertin’s Nobel Peace Prize contacts was the Austrian pacifist Alfred Hermann Fried, who published an Esperanto textbook for German-speakers in 1903. 23 Coubertin was also co-founder in 1910 (with the Nobel Prizewinning [1908] physicist Gabriel Lippmann) of the Ligue d’Education National. he forerunner of the French Boy Scouts,24 while Lord BadenPowell, the founder of the Scouting movement, promoted the British ideology of sportsmanship absorbed by Coubertin. 25 The pacifistically inclined German educator Friedrich Wilhelm Forster (1869-1966) called Baden22. Dietrich R. Quanz. â€Å"Formatting Power of the IOC: Founding the Birth of a New Peace Movement. † Citius. Altius. Fortius, 3 (Winter 1995): 12. See also Dietrich R. Quanz, â€Å"Die Grundung des IOC im Horizont von burgerlichem Pazifismus und Internationalismus,† in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Die Aktualitat der Sportphilosophie (St. Augustin: Academia Verlag, 1993), 191-216: â€Å"Civic Pacifism and Sports-Based Internationalism: Framework for the Founding of the International Olympic Committee,† Olympika.The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 2 (1993): 1-23. 23. Ulrich Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache: Die Verfolgung der Esperantisten unter Hitler und Stalin (Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1988): 41. 24. Arnd K ruger, â€Å"Neo-Olypismus zwischen Nationalismus und internationalismus,† in Horst Ueberhorst, ed. Gescichte der Leibesubung, 3/1 (Berlin: Bartels und Wernitz, 1980): 524. 25. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 10, 31. 10 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Powell’s Scouting for Boys (1908) â€Å"the best pedagogical book to have appeared in decades. †26 Like Coubertin, the German chemist Wilhelm Ostwald (Nobel Prize 1909) had multiple ties to internationalist projects.At first a supporter of Esperanto, Ostwald changed his allegiance to Esperanto’s chief competitor, the artificial language Ido, in 1908. He also worked toward founding an international chemical institute. 27 In a more eccentric vein. Ostwald served as President of the International Committee of Monism, a philosophy based on the universal authority of science that aimed at propagating â€Å"a rational ethics. † In Monism as the Goal of Civilization (1913), Ostwald held out the possibility of â€Å"a completely neutral and likewise easily acquired auxiliary language† as â€Å"an indescribable blessing† for mankind. pointing to â€Å"the rapidly increasing international arrangements and relations† and the â€Å"irresistible flow toward the international organization of human affairs. 28 All three of the early international women’s organizations weighed the possibility of adopting Esperanto as a means of facilitating communication. 29 The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) sent a delegation to the Esperanto Congress held in Dresden in 1907. 30 The first chairman of the London Esperanto Club, Felix Moscheles, was President of the International Arbitration and Peace Association and a major figure in the pacifist movement. 31 These and other interrelationships confirm the thesis that such groups belong to a genre of international organizations, both unified and variegated, that deserves to be studied in a comparative m anner. As the great early promoter of international sport, â€Å"the Esperanto of the aces† (Jean Giraudoux), Coubertin occupies a central position within this configuration of internationally minded idealists. All of the idealistic internationalisms of this period appealed to deep feelings among Europeans that were rooted in anxieties about war and peace. As inhabitants of a political universe that has effectively banished the memory of socialist internationalism prior to the Third (Communist) International, we would do well to recall its stature as the preeminent antiwar movement of its period (1889-1914). â€Å"For at least fifty years,† as James Joll has noted, â€Å"international Socialism was one of the great intellectual forces in Europe . . . while no statesman or political thinker could avoid taking it into account. The urgency of the feelings shared by Socialist and non-Socialist internationalists alike was evident at the emergency congress of the Socialist International, held in Basle in November 1913, as fear of war spread throughout 26. Karl Seidelmann, Die Pfadfinder in der deutschen Jugendgeschichte (Hannover: Hermann Schroedel Velag, 1977): 28-29. 27. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 42; Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 264, it is worth noting that Crawford calls Ostwald â€Å"the most ubiquitous of scientists† (264). 28. Wilhelm Ostwald, Monism as the Goal of Civilization (Hamburg: The International Committee of Monism, 1913): 10, 6, 25. 29. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism,† 1578. 30. Peter G. Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1982): 170. 31. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 28. 11Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Europe. Sobered into a state of somber meditation that permitted the relaxation of ideological discipline, the delegates heard the great French leader Jean Jaures sound a religious note, while the next day the veteran Sw iss Socialist Greulich, â€Å"when finally closing the proceedings, not only referred to Bach’s B Minor Mass but even, though with an apologetic ‘Don’t be alarmed’, quoted from the Roman Catholic liturgy to express the socialist hope: ‘Exspecto resurrectionem mortuorum et vitam venturam saeculis’. †32 The ideological divisions that separated Socialists from non-Socialists (and, ater, Socialists from Communists) have had a profound impact on the entire phenomenon of European internationalism during this century. The sports and Esperanto movements eventually split along ideological lines into socialist and â€Å"bourgeois† factions, while Baden-Powell’s bourgeois-nationalist Boy Scout organization was subjected to harsh criticism just after the Great War by his onetime successor-apparent, John Hargrave, a militant proponent of â€Å"World Friendship† who could not stomach the imperialist component of Baden-Powell†™s doctrine. That Baden-Powell rejected the charge as â€Å"Bolshevism† only confirms the importance of the division between the anti-imperialist, non-establishmentarian internationalisms and their bourgeois-nationalist counterparts. 3 In the case of the Esperantists, however, this ideological divide was mostly illusory, due to the fact that the artificial language movement appealed to the marginal and the underprivileged from its very beginnings in eastern Poland and Russia in the late 1880s and 1890s. This affinity between the fraternal idealism of the Esperantists and the ethical program of the revolutionary Left was recognized by the early psychoanalytical writer J. C. Flugel, who was himself an Esperantist. â€Å"The Esperanto movement,† he wrote in 1925, â€Å"with its quasi-religious enthusiasm and its attempt to break down the barriers between nations and races, inevitably challenges comparison with certain other movements of a universalizing tendency. It ha s, of course, certain features in common with Socialism and Communism.These also are international and pacifist in character, and aim at fostering a spirit of comradeship among fellow-members; but they differ from the Esperanto movement in two important respects: (a) In the essential economic basis of their programme; (b) In that the revolutionary and insurgent tendencies— based ultimately on displacements of father-hatred—are very much more prominent. In the Esperanto movement these latter tendencies are implicit rather than explicit . . . .†34 This crucial distinction between explicit and implicit â€Å"insurgent tendencies† was the most important difference between the revolutionary and his typological opposite, the linguistic humanitarian whose progressive idealism was channeled into more symbolic forms of re32. James Joll, The Second lnternational 1889-1914 (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974): 1, 158, 159. 33. Rosenthal, The Character Fa ctory, 245-247. 34. J. C.Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconscious Factors in the International Language Movement With Special Reference to Esperanto,† International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 6 (1925): 12 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism sistance to political repression and national chauvinism. Despite its nonrevolutionary status, Flugel saw his analysis of the artificial language movement as a contribution to â€Å"the psychology of progressive social movements† in a wider sense. A study of the â€Å"unconscious mental mechanisms with which psycho-analysis has made us familiar† could thus illuminate â€Å"the wider psychological problems presented by language and by constructive social movements in general. Such comments make it clear that Flugel was canny enough to understand that â€Å"rational† policies might well derive in part from nonrational impulses. Thus he did not hesitate to identify the altruism and dynamism of his fellow Esperantrists wit h sexual wishes and potentially grandiose ideas about undoing the havoc wrought in the Biblical story of the Tower of Babel. 35 Still, it is apparent that Flugel saw internationalism as a single genre of activity that was inherently â€Å"progressive† despite its psychoanalytic complications, and it is likely that he associated its â€Å"constructive† potential with the Enlightenment tradition of rational problemsolving and cosmopolitan understanding.The problem with this portrait of the Esperantists is that it is expurgated (or simply uninformed) and thus historically inaccurate in important respects. By 1925. there was plenty of evidence to suggest that the Esperanto movement was not uniformly â€Å"progressive † in a political sense; it would appear, however, that Flugel overlooked these facts on account of his deep respect both for the founding father of the movement and for many of his fellow enthusiasts. The founder of Esperanto, Ludwig Lazar Zamenhof (185 91917), was a Jew born in Bialystok, Poland, who was convinced that only an artificial and universally comprehensible language could heal the ethnic strife that plagued this area. (At the age of 10, Zamenhof wrote a five-act tragedy, set in Bialystok, based on the Tower of Babel story. In the years that followed his publication of the first Esperanto textbook in 1887, adherents of the movement deemphasized Zamenhof's Jewish origins in order to minimize anti-Semitic resistance to their proselytizing efforts. More surprising in retrospect is the fact that the Dreyfus Affair (1895) the great political litmus test of fin-de-siecle French political life, polarized the French Esperantists, demonstrating that linguistic internationalism alone did not guarantee a â€Å"progressive† political orientation. The â€Å"Declaration on the Essence of Esperanto† that was adopted at the first Congress of Esperantists held at Boulogne-surmer in 1905 was a clear declaration of political neutrality that did not even mention world peace.Indeed, the Universal Esperanto Association (UEA) was not established until 1908, by which time the influence of Zamenhof's quasi-religious doctrine of universal brotherhood was already in decline. 36 To some extent this breach between the founders’ ideals and a more practical orientation emphasizing commerce and science reflected a difference in out35. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconscious Factors,† 171-172, 208, 187, 190. 36. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 29, 31, 26. 13 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) look between Western Europe (especially France) and Eastern Europe and Russia. where political repression and a high proportion of Jewish Esperantists had preserved the early idealism.The larger lesson, however, is that even early on linguistic internationalism showed signs of the defensive political neutralism and resulting fissiparous tendencies that compromised its independence and opened windows of op portunity for political activists on the Left and the Right during the 1920s and 1930s. That even as well-informed an observer as Flugel did not understand the ideological instability of the Esperantists points to some of our own acquired habits of thought regarding the effectiveness of internationalist ideals and the transnational groups that attempt to implement them. The traditional (though now eroding) assumption that idealistic internationalisms can transform the modern world has been profoundly shaped by our image of the Enlightenment cosmopolitanism that dates from the late eighteenth century. The League of Nations, the United Nations, the vast empires of modern science and sport, nd countless international arrangements of equal or lesser scope all trace their ancestry (or an important part of it) to a period that has taken on the aura of a Golden Age. It has been more than two hundred years since the American Philosophical Society proclaimed (in 1778) that â€Å"Nations tru ly civilized (however unhappily at variance on other accounts) will never wage war with the Arts and Sciences and the common Interests of Humanity,†37 but the charm (and the pathos) of such a declaration, and its promise of a Sacred Truce between the nations, affect us still. By the end of the nineteenth century, this ideal was most clearly expressed in what Elisabeth Crawford has called the â€Å"universe of international science. † â€Å"Because science was universal and constituted a common language. she notes, â€Å"international scientific organizations, it was felt, could become models for international associations generally and even help usher in world government. †38 This idealized image of cosmopolitan networking in the service of progress has been the standard against which internationalist projects have been judged for the last century. What is more, this fantasy of a transnational scientific enterprise untainted by national self-interests has create d unrealistic expectations in relation to all of the idealistic internationalisms, prominently including the Olympic movement. If we are interested in establishing the potential of the idealistic internationalisms, then the value of the comparative method lies in establishing realistic parameters of action (and even imagination) over the long term.If we ask, for example, whether the Olympic movement has done what it should have been able to do in fulfillment of its professed aims, what we are really asking is whether it has performed on a par with analogous organizations in comparable historical conditions. While no two of these organizations have had identical resources at their disposal, even the (necessarily 37. Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought (South Bend: The Notre Dame University Press, 1977): 45. 38. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,† 254. 14 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism abbreviated) survey present ed in this essay can, I believe, identify that â€Å"core repertory of attitudes and behaviors† that makes comparison worthwhile.Perhaps the most general of these factors is the contest between nationalist and internationalist motives and loyalties (in differing proportions) within the minds of those who led or followed. If Coubertin came to â€Å"the conviction that patriotism and internationalism were not only not incompatible, but required one another,† then this was one (entirely reasonable) response to a problem that could be solved in various ways. 39 In the case of Baden-Powell’s movement, â€Å"the celebration of national greatness,† as Michael Rosenthal points out, â€Å"becomes a problem for the Scouts . . . when the insistence on British national superiority clashes with the equality of all people that is so much a part of Scouting, and more particularly within the movement’s worldwide ambitions that rapidly developed. 40 This potential for intrapsychic conflict affected the Esperantists, as well, even if Zamenhof had personally resolved the internal conflict between the competing identities of â€Å"human being† and â€Å"patriot† in favor of the former. Disagreements among the Esperantists regarding whether they should organize on a national or supranational basis were another manifestation of this basic conflict between national and internationalist affiliations. How the individual member resolved this conflict was a question of political temperament, although it is also true that the range of choices depended to some extent on the movement to which one belonged.The Esperanto movement, for example, tolerated radical, â€Å"citizen-of-the-world†-style supranationalism in a way that the Scouting and Olympic movements did not. A comparative look at their founders can help us understand why. The movements of Lord Robert Baden-Powell (1857-1941) and Pierre de Coubertin are strikingly similar in several respects. Both movements proclaimed early on their universal, apolitical, nonracial and nonmilitary nature: while neither founder was a pacifist—Baden-Powell was an acclaimed professional soldier—both claimed to serve the cause of peace: while they claimed to be classless movements, both were also intended as strategies to deal with domestic social instability and class conflict. Both founders were acclaimed as â€Å"educators† and mobilizers of youth.Both shared the racialistic ideas of their time, although Baden-Powell made openly racist statements in a way that Coubertin did not. 41 Both put a high priority on appearing politically neutral, and both understood the importance of creating a rhetoric and a public image that â€Å"transcended† politics. When recruiting the Comite Jules Simon, as John J. MacAloon points out, â€Å"Coubertin reproduced the now familiar claim that ‘we have recruited adherents of all parties, our work is in effe ct sheltered from all political quarrels. ’ In fact, the ‘shelter,’ such as it was, owed to drawing all of the members from the ‘parties of order’ and 39. MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 112. 40. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 176. 41. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 40-43, 181, 254-267.On Coubertin's racial thinking see Hoberman, â€Å"Olympic Universalism and the Apartheid Issue,† 524-525. 15 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) skewing their ‘neutrality’ toward the right. †42 Baden-Powell pursued the same strategy, and the Esperantists too did their best to establish a nonpartisan profile. 43 (Among the late-nineteenth-century movements, the Red Cross had pioneered the policy of absolute neutrality in the 1860s. ) It is clear, then, that the claim (or pretense) to political neutrality, a policy that would both empower and constrain these movements throughout the twentieth century, was regarded by most non-Socialist internationalists as an absolute requirement for effective action.What distinguished the Scouting and Olympic movements in quite another sense from the Esperantists and the Red Cross was their pursuit of aristocratic affiliations or royal patronage, itself an important ideological signature of movements that were bent on achieving a reconciliation of the social classes. By contrast, Zamenhof saw Esperanto as an instrument of the oppressed, and Flugel later offered an interesting explanation as to why â€Å"the international language movement has enjoyed comparatively little support from the more aristocratic and educated classes. †44 The mononational Red Cross, which until 1923 recruited its membership exclusively from the cream of the Genevan professional bourgeoisie, did not need aristocratic sponsorship. 45 Coubertin, on the other hand, had to create his own establishment.In 1908, European nobility made up 68 percent of the membership of the IOC, a figure whi ch declined to 41 percent by 1924. 46 In Britain, Baden-Powell—a socially prominent hero of the Boer War-had access to a uniquely celebrated caste of royals. â€Å"The Royal family and the English government have shown a great interest in scouting since its inception,† one observer wrote in 1948. â€Å"The King became the Patron of the British Boy Scouts, the Prince of Wales became Chief Scout for Wales and Princess Mary the president of the Girl Guides. † At the first Jamboree held in London in 1920, Prince Gustav Adolph of Sweden was made honorary president of the International Boy 42.MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 105. 43. The official Soviet view of Scouting in the West challenged its claim to political neutrality: â€Å"Scouting seeks to train the younger generation in a spirit of loyalty to the ideals of bourgeois society. Although professing to be unaffiliated with any political party, scout organizations do in fact have clearly expressed political, milita ristic, and religious tendencies they strive to keep the younger generation from participating in the struggle for revolutionary and democratic change and to isolate young people from the influence of materialism and communism. Scouting advocates the idea of class peace in a capitalist state. . .The Komsomol [youth organization] consistently struggled against the scout movement. The second, third, and fourth Komsomol congresses (1918-20) adopted resolutions calling for the dissolution of scout groups and worked out a program for the creation of a new, communist type of children’s organization. † Here, as in other areas of popular culture like sport and the arts, Communists faced the challenge of repackaging attractive â€Å"bourgeois† activities in conformity with Marxist-Leninist ideological requirements. See the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 23 (New York: Macmillan, 1979): 253. 44. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconcious Factors,† 200; see also 175, 176, 201. 5. Jean-Claude Favel, Warum schwieg das Rote Kreuz? Eine internationale Organisation und das Dritte Reich (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994): 25-26. 46. M. Blodorn and W. Nigmann, â€Å"Zur Ehre underes Vaterlandes und zum Ruhme des Sports,† in M. Blodorn, ed. Sport und Olympische Spiele (Rheinbek bei hamburg: Rowohlt, 1984): 42. See also Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,† 529, 551. 16 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Scout Committee. 47 Appearances notwithstanding, the recruitment of these prestigious sponsors did not point to politically reactionary intentions on the part of the recruiters.In fact, Coubertin used his affiliations with the nobility to advance the cause of sportive internationalism against the resistance of stubborn nationalists. 48 Today, however, the IOC’s interest in recruiting royals appears to be less pragmatic than a response to the prestige-seeking needs of its current President . 2. Olympic Internationalism in the Age of Fascism Olympic internationalism during the Nazi period remains poorly understood, in part because the number of English-language commentaries remains limited. 49 My purpose in this section is to depart from the traditional emphasis on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, which has been widely misunderstood as an isolated lapse on the part of the IOC, in order to place it in the larger politicalhistorical context where it belongs.We now know that Coubertin saw the â€Å"Nazi Olympics† as the culmination of his life’s work, and it is important to understand why he believed this and why in a sense he was right in doing so. For the Olympic movement during this period is best understood as a rightwing internationalism that was effectively coopted by the Nazis and their French and German sympathizers during the 1930s. This cooptation was made possible in part by an ideological compatibility between the IOC elite and the Nazis based on a shar ed ideal of aristocratic manhood and the value system that derived from their glorification of the physically perfect male as the ideal human being. It is important for us to understand this IOC-Nazi collaboration if only because, contrary to what many have doubtless 47.Saul Scheidlinger, â€Å"A Comparative Study of the Boy Scout Movement in Different National and Social Groups,† American Sociological Review , 13 (1948): 740, 741. 48. Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,† 549. 49. The traditional approach to the Olympic histoy of this period is to focus on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad as an exceptional event in the history of the movement. See, especially, Richard Mandell, The Nazi Olympics (New York: Macmillan, 1971; Arnd Kruger. Die olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung (Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt/M. : Verlag Bartels & Wernitz KG, 1972): Duff Hart-Davis, Hitler's Games: The 1936 Olympics (New York: Harper and Row, 1986).The in dispensable sources for understanding the relationship between the IOC and the Nazis are Hans-Joachim Teichler, â€Å"Coubertin und das Dritte Retch,† Sportwissenschaft, 12 (1982): 18-53; Allen Guttmann, The Games Must Go On: Avery Brundage and the Olympic Movement (New York, Columbia University Press, 1984): and W. J. Murray, â€Å"France, Coubertin and the Nazi Olympics: The Response,† Olympika: The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 1 (1992): 4669. See also John Hoberman, The Olympic Crisis: Sport, Politics, and the Moral Order (New Rochelle, N. Y: Aristide D. Caratzas, Publisher, 1986). More recent publications on the Olympic movement during the interwar period include Stephen R. Wenn, â€Å"A Suitable Policy of Neutrality?FDR and the Question of American Participation in the 1936 Olympics,† International Journal of the History of Sport , 8 (1991): 319-335; Bill Murray, â€Å"Berlin in 1936: Old and New Work on the Nazi Olympics. † Internationa l Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992): 29-49: Martin Polley, â€Å"Olympic Diplomacy: The British Government and the Projected 1940 Olympic Games,† lnternational Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 169-187: William J. Baker, â€Å"Muscular Marxism and the Chicago Counter-Olympics of 1932,† International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 397-410; Per Olof Holmang, â€Å"International Sports Organizations 1919-25 Sweden and the German Question. † International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 455-466; and Junko Tahara. â€Å"Count Michimasa Soyeshima and the Cancellation of the XII Olympiad in Tokyo: A Footnote to Olympic History,† lnternational Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992) 467-472. On the workers sport movement, see Jonathan F. Wagner, â€Å"Prague’s Socialist Olympics of 1934,† Canadian Journal of the History of Sport, 12 (1992): 1-18. 17 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) assumed , it was not interrupted by the collapse of the Nazi empire in 1945. The postwar denazification of tainted European organizations, limited as it was, did not extend to the IOC, which continued to accommodate its Nazi members and their sympathizers in the old spirit of collegiality.The third section of this essay will examine how this ideological affinity group managed to preserve its traditional viewpoint (and the careers of some important adherents) well into the postwar era, and how its immunity to liberalhumanitarian influence remains a model for the IOC today. At this point, however, some historical background is required. The following narrative can be introduced by a so-called trivia question, to wit: Who was Jules Rimet, the man for whom the World Cup of soccer is named? I found the answer to this question in the April 1933 issue of the Deutsch-Franzosische Rundschau, one of several journals devoted to FrancoGerman cultural exchange and mutual understanding during the period between the world wars.On 18 March of that fateful year, the French national soccer team arrived in Berlin led by Jules Rimet, president of both the French Soccer Association and the international federation (FIFA). Waiting to greet the French delegation were the chairman of the German Soccer Association (DFB), representatives of numerous other sports federations, and the press. In a word, this occasion was a political and media event. The game between the French and German teams, played before 45,000 German spectators under a sparkling spring sky, somehow ended in a tie. Rimet himself observed that the German team had controlled the ball for three-quarters of the game, and the Parisian sports paper L’Auto said the Germans had, in effect, lost a game they should have won.At the traditional banquet after the ga